Comprehending China’s diplomacy: Insights on strategising

By George I. H. Cooke

Strategic decision-making in governance is considered the catalyst for success. When examining China and the model being created and grown, the impact of strategising resonates in every policy that is formulated, statement that is made and action taken by the State. 

China completes four decades of openness in 2018 and is looking to the future in ensuring prosperity within, and promoting development not just with key allies, but across the board in order to increase opportunities, raise standards for development and drive growth in the global economy.  

As a country grows itself, it looks to reach outside through an effective foreign policy. The formulation and implementation of such a policy requires clarity in understanding internal and external factors that influence foreign policy. Of even greater significance is the ability to understand the entire structure of the country with which relations are being established or expanded. 

When examining key post-independence developments in China-Sri Lanka relations from 1950 as the first Prime Minister recognised the People’s Republic of China, to the signing of the historic Rubber-Rice Pact in 1952, the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1957 and all key developments, the most intrinsic aspect throughout has been the need to comprehend the other. When comprehension had been grasped in its entirety, relations had flourished, and when critical aspects had been ignored, issues arose.  

China’s international relations, connectivity and investments, though under constant scrutiny as States grapple to comprehend the process by which the Chinese mechanism operates, are the main factors that ensure the possibility of an effective foreign policy. Whilst the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) notches half a decade, the large-scale planning behind the projects have created a massive impact in pushing China up the ladder of influence in the global arena. 

Comprehension of China remains the most critical factor if States are to realise a mutually beneficial relationship. From the development prospects of the ‘Two Centenary’ goals, to the five-pronged approach of building socialism with Chinese characteristics, to building up a socialist economy, a socialist democracy, a socialist advanced culture, a socialist harmonious society and a socialist ecological civilisation, the Chinese leadership has sought to strategise foreign policy efficiently by basing it on domestic demands and policy. 

China’s four-pronged Comprehensive Strategy for implementation requires deeply integrated measures whereby emphasis is laid on the comprehensive nature of the deed. This results in improving effectiveness and efficiency but more crucially guarantees an inclusiveness of varied sectors from completing the building of a moderately prosperous society to deepening reform, advancing the rule of law and exercising strict discipline for the party in keeping with the Chinese system. 

Further augmentation occurs through the five major development concepts to promote innovative, coordinated, green, open and shared development. This model, which has been activated in China, is what the country looks to export to contemporaries internationally. 

Addressing the Central Committee on Foreign Affairs in 2014, President Xi Jinping called for devotion to “safeguarding China’s sovereignty, security and development interests, fostering an international environment that is friendly to our peaceful development, and taking advantage of this important period of strategic opportunity for China”. His call identifies crucial factors that China is keen on safeguarding and promoting. Just as Aristotle advocated the importance of ‘knowing thyself’, China has clearly done her homework before embarking internationally, and teaches a valuable lesson to all countries, especially Sri Lanka on the need to understand that which is within, and attempt thereafter to formulate policies accordingly. 

Bilateral relations remain the bedrock upon which China has grown relationships, particularly with countries like Sri Lanka. The Rubber-Rice Pact, though concluded more than six decades ago, is highly appreciated by China due to the significance of the deed. The failure to conclude this agreement would have jeopardised the provision of a vital import for China owing to the embargo at the time and severely affected Sri Lanka’s supply of rice. One understood the needs of the other and was able to secure a mutually beneficial arrangement. Cultivating varied degrees of relations with countries in all regions of the world, China has displayed the potential of a country to deeply engage with another irrespective of size. 

In his commitment to multilateralism, Xi used the 70th anniversary of the United Nations to call for the adoption of “a new vision of seeking positive outcomes for all, and reject the outdated mindset of zero-sum game or winner-takes-all [and] forge a global partnership at both international and regional levels, and embrace a new approach to State-to-State relations, one that features dialogue rather than confrontation, and seeks partnerships rather than alliance”. 

Through interactions in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-building Measures in Asia (CICA), the East-Asia Summit and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), as well as through the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), China is striving to give effect to what Xi called “a new model of international relations underpinned by mutually beneficial cooperation”. Recognising a unique niche, China is not attempting to change the existing system, which has undergone much trial, but is instead looking to evolve a new one. 

When strategising for diplomacy in general and when attempting to build a sound relationship with China, a thorough comprehension of several factors is required. Firstly, understanding oneself whereby countries assess their internal requirements, are aware of ramifications, and enter the international arena with a clear vision of what it is they wish to contribute to and gain from the international system. 

Secondly, understanding the process within China, given the energetic strategising, in which the BRI is just one of three massive programs that also includes the coordinated development of Beijing, Tianjin and the Hebei Province, and the Yangtze River economic belt. 

Thirdly, realising the potential of consolidating bilateral relations and assessing the value that China attaches to bilateral interactions as well as the significance of history through which these ties have been fostered. 

Finally, recognition of the international environment, and noting that as China continues to rise and strides the world stage, she is taking partners and allies with her. Changing dynamics in global governance, which have seen a rise in nationalism, isolationism and self-centred policy formulation, have resulted in China benefiting through the adoption of innovative measures of inclusion and cooperation. 

Brussels-based academic Jonathan Holslag opined that “today, China’s diplomacy with Asia has morphed from a rigid State-guided scheme into an eclectic array of initiatives from many stakeholders: the State, the Party, the military, the Provinces, cities, companies, (and) think tanks”. The strategic manner in which China develops within, the cooperative manner through which all countries are being embraced and the pioneering means by which China aims to revolutionise global governance in the 21st century, on the eve of the 70th anniversary of the revolution, are collectively indicative of the progress made thus far and the goals to which she aspires. 

Although Martin Jacques identifies China “not just as a Nation-State, [but] also [as] a Civilisation-State,” the insight that may be derived of the overall strategic approach of such a country requires detailed comprehension if countries are to succeed in their interactions with China.