S.J.V. Chelvanayakam and the Ilankai Thamil Arasuk Katchi

S.J.V. Chelvanayakam

The Ilankai Thamil Arasuk Katchi (ITAK) known in English as the Federal Party will celebrate its 75th birthday in December this year. The premier political party of the Sri Lankan Tamil people known as “Ilankai Thamizhar” in their mother tongue was born on 18 December 1949. On that day, a group of 60 Tamils including two parliamentarians and two senators convened at the Government Clerical Service Union (GCSU) hall in Colombo.

That historic conclave resulted in the launching of a new political party with the avowed goal of establishing an autonomous State for the Tamil-speaking people of Ceylon (as Sri Lanka was known then) within a united island. The new party was named in Tamil as “Illankai Thamil Arasu Katchi” meaning Ceylon Tamil State or Tamil Government Party. 

However, the party’s founders described it as Federal Party in English. According to renowned political scientist Prof. A.J. Wilson, the new party’s name was not Federal Party but merely an explanation of what the party stood for. “Its leaders insisted that the word ‘State’ denoted a unit within a federal set-up and not a sovereign State as some of its detractors alleged,” wrote Wilson in his book titled ‘Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism’. 

Officially, the new party was named in English as “Illankai Tamil Arasu Katchi” and became known by the acronym ITAK. In popular parlance, it was called the Federal Party or FP. S.J.V. Chelvanayakam was elected as the first president of the fledgling party while Dr. E.M.V. Naganathan and V. Navaratnam were the joint general secretaries. It was the ITAK which introduced the demand for federalism into Sri Lanka’s post-independence political discourse. Although 74 years has passed since the party was born, ITAK continues to remain wedded to the federal idea. 

A Tamil political party completing 75 years of existence in the Sri Lankan political landscape is indeed a milepost achievement. As such the 75th birthday party would indeed be a joyful event for the ITAK/FP. Unfortunately there is an atmosphere of doubt as to who would cut the cake or light up the candles for the festive occasion because the party is currently in the grip of a crisis of its own making. It is uncertain whether the situation would change for the better or worse by the end of the year.

The ITAK’s current internal crisis began with its long-delayed party convention and election of new office-bearers early this year. For the first time in the ITAK’s history, intra-party elections took place for the key post of President. Three contenders were in the fray.

Inner party election

An inner party election to elect a new leader is by itself a welcome feature. However, the ITAK has from its inception never experienced an inner party poll to elect its President. The party adopted the practice of avoiding a direct contest and instead opted to elect the leader unanimously. From the time it was founded in 1949, the ITAK/FP has followed this consensual method of electing the leader.

Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam was the respected co-founder and first president of the ITAK/FP. SJV could have remained President of the party during his lifetime if he had wanted to. Chelva however stepped down as President after his first two terms and let others succeed him. 

Nevertheless Chelva remained the supreme leader while his deputies like Vanniasingham, Naganathan, Rajavarothayam, Rasamanickam and Amirthalingam served as party Presidents in rotation. 

There was no election as an arrangement by consensus with Chelva’s blessings would be worked out early. In 1973 there was a possibility of an election with the then Vaddukkoddai ex-MP Appapillai Amirthalingam and the then Batticaloa MP Chelliah Rajadurai vying with each other for the party Presidency. It was feared that the tussle could rupture the party. Chelva intervened and persuaded Rajadurai to withdraw from the contest.

Many persons concerned about the future of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka including this writer were worried about the impact an intra-party election would have on the premier Tamil party and urged that a polarising poll be avoided. Such entreaties fell on deaf ears. It was stated on behalf of the contenders that an inner party election was “Uchapatcha Jananayagam” (highest form of democracy). It was boastfully said that the ITAK was the only Sri Lankan party that had inner party elections to elect the leader.

Little did these “know-alls” realise that they were indirectly insulting Chelvanayakam as being “undemocratic” by saying this. They also failed to comprehend that avoiding a divisive election and arriving at a consensual agreement was also a democratic virtue.

Fault lines

The election brought the prevalent fault-lines within the party to the fore. Divisive tendencies were exacerbated and ego-clashes proliferated. Emmanuel Kant’s profound observation “Out of the crooked timber of humanity, no straight thing was ever made” came true again.

As a result the ITAK election matter went to court. An enjoining order issued by courts has debarred the newly elected party president and other key office-bearers from functioning. Sadly the ITAK seems incapable of even presenting a united legal defence.

Since the matter is pending before court, I shall refrain from commenting further on this issue. One thing however seems obvious. The ITAK’s troubles are far from over. The party is on the decline with the distinct possibility of future fragmentation. Furthermore infiltration by extraneous elements is seemingly underway.

There is belated enlightenment now that the veteran political leader Chelvanayakam knew what he was doing when he strove to avoid divisive inner-party elections and instead adopted selection by consensus. It is against this backdrop therefore that this column focuses this week on the founder-leader of the ITAK. S.J.V. Chelvanayakam passed away at the age of 79 on 26 April 1977. His 47th death anniversary will be commemorated next week.

Thellippalai

Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam was born in Ipoh, Malaysia on 31 March 1898. He was from Thellippalai in Jaffna. His father Visvanathan Veluppillai was a businessman in Malaysia. SJV’s mother Harriet Annamma’s maiden name was Kanapathippillai. When Chelvanayakam was four years of age the family with the exception of his father moved back to Thellippalai so that the children could obtain a good education.

SJV a protestant Christian attended Union College Thellippalai, St. John’s College Jaffna and finally St. Thomas’ College Mt. Lavinia (located at Mutwal then Chelva first graduated as an external student of the London University. He got a B Sc. He then began teaching at ST. Thomas’s College Mt. Lavinia. Later he moved to Wesley College as a teacher. 

While teaching he pursued studies in law and soon enrolled himself as an Advocate of the Supreme Court. He confined himself to civil matters mainly and built up a lucrative practice. He became a respected civil lawyer and took silk in due course. In 1927 he married Emily Grace Barr Kumarakulasinghe the daughter of RR Barr Kumarakulasinghe the “Maniaghar” (Administrative Chief) of Thellippalai.

G.G. Ponnambalam

The man who advocated Tamil rights with a missionary zeal was not one who engaged himself in politics willingly. During the tumultuous Donoughmore era Chelva while observing political developments keenly kept aloof of Tamil politics. He first showed an open interest in politics in the forties when he accosted GG Ponnambalam at the Colombo Law Library and voluntarily affixed his signature to a memorandum being sent to Whitehall on the Tamil question.

Thereafter Chelvanayakam began involving himself more closely with Tamil political affairs and became active in the Tamil Congress. Chelvanayakam was part of the delegation led by GG Ponnambalam that made representations to the Soulbury Commission. Soon Chelvanayakam began immersing himself in Tamil Congress activities and by 1946 was considered the “vice-captain” of Ponnambalam.

Jane Russell

Jane Russell describes this development in her book “Communal politics under the Donoughmore Constitution” in the following manner:

“The emergence of SJV Chelvanayakam, a Christian and a Colombo Lawyer as Ponnambalam’s second-in-command was significant. Unlike Ponnambalam who was concerned largely in satisfying his personal ambitions for power, Chelvanayakam was seriously concerned with the political effect of the Sinhala Buddhist cultural resurgence on the future of the Ceylon Tamils.”

“Chelvanayakam was a thoughtful man; as a politician he displayed the integrity which Ponnambalam lacked. His Tamil communalism was not the froth of an opportunist but a deeply-felt and considered judgement backed by an appreciation of Tamil culture which amounted to blind loyalty. Chelvanayakam’s attachment to the Ceylon Tamil culture came much closer to a true Tamil nationalism and his gloomy views and oracular attitude proclaimed him the heir to the aged Ponnambalam Arunachalam who had turned in his bitterness from the ideal of a united Lanka to the concept of a Tamilnad or Pan-Tamilian state in his solstitial years.”

“Although S.J.V. Chelvanayakam did not present a differentiated policy to that of G.G. Ponnambalam in 1947, his political approach augured a radical change in the tone and demeanour of Ceylon Tamil politics in the post-Independence period.”

In 1947 the Tamil Congress contested elections to Parliament and won seven sea seats, Chelvanayakam himself contested and won Kankesanthurai polling 12,126. Soon political differences began erupting between Ponnambalam and Chelvanayakam over the future course of the Tamil Congress.

A.J. Wilson

Prof. A.J. Wilson, son-in-law of Chelvanayakam in his book “SJV Chelvanayakam and the crisis of Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism, 1947-1977” describes the situation thus: 

“Ponnambalam interpreted the mandate of responsive cooperation” with progressive-minded Sinhalese parties, received at the general election of 1947 as an authorisation to the ACTC by the Tamil electorate to secure portfolios in the cabinet, where a Tamil presence would enable Tamil problems to be aired and benefits obtained for the Tamil areas.”

“Chelvanayakam for his part preferred to use Tamil cooperation as a lever to obtain an acceptable resolution of Tamil concerns relating to citizenship rights for the Indian Tamil plantation workers, parity of status for the Sinhala and Tamil languages, an acceptable national flag for the new State and the cessation of state-aided colonisation of the Tamil speaking areas with Sinhala colonists. He wanted these pre-conditions satisfied. Most important he wanted a constitutional assembly convened to determine the Island’s future constitutional structure. Ponnambalam did not obtain these guarantees.”

Even after Ponnambalam became a minister and voted with the Government on citizenship issues, Chelvanayakam did not break away immediately. Instead he dilly-dallied as to whether he should remain within Tamil Congress ranks and fight it out with Ponnambalam or whether he should form a new political party. Finally he broke away with Kopay MP Vanniyasingham and Senator EMV Naganathan. The Federal Party or Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi in Tamil was inaugurated in 1949 December.

Ideological shift

Chelvanayakam and his party ushered in an ideological shift in Tamil politics. He formulated Tamil nationalism on linguistic lines and channelled that into a clearly demarcated territory thereby providing a territorial dimension. The Northern and Eastern Provinces were the traditional homelands of the Tamil speaking people. These provinces would form an autonomous Tamil State (Thamil Arasu). This state would come into a federal arrangement with the residual Sinhala state and remain within a Ceylonese union.

The party sought equality of status for both the Sinhala and Tamil languages. This demand was not for the Ceylon Tamils alone but for all Tamil speaking people such as the Muslims and The Up-Country Tamils. The party was also against the demographic structure of the Tamil traditional homeland being altered through Sinhala colonisation.

The political advent of the ITAK/FP under Chelva was resented by Sinhala political leaders who made uncharitable, unkind remarks about him then. “He is a lean and hungry looking man whom I cannot trust” said D.S. Senanayake of Chelvanayakam. 

S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike’s comment on Chelvanayakam was, “He is surely one of the most dangerous types of human beings in the world, quite in his own way an idealist sincere, in his own way an idealist, but having no idea whatsoever of reality and the practical side of things. Very dangerous people, such people.”

Non-violent agitation

The ITAK under Chelvanayakam began a new culture of political protest. This was “Non-violent agitation” modelled on Gandhian philosophy. The first major demonstration was the Satyagraha launched on Galle Face Green when Parliament was debating the Official Language Act. Thugs and hoodlums backed by politicians in power set upon the Satyagrahis and mercilessly assaulted them while the police watched with their “hands tied”.

Chelvanayakam’s son himself was assaulted in front of the father while SJV sat unflinching. The Tamil poet Kasi Anandan immortalised that episode through a poignant poem.

Other non-violent activities such as protest marches, black flag demonstrations, hartals, boycotts, letter writing campaigns, non-compliance of administrative regulations, tar brush campaigns, fasts and Satyagrahas were continuously undertaken along with political mass meetings, processions, rallies and conventions. All these activities made the Tamil people a highly politicised community.

Chelvanayakam was now described as “Thanthai Chelva” and “Eelathu Gandhi” by his followers. “Thanthai” came from the Dravidian movement where the father of the Dravidian movement EV Ramaswamy Naicker was called “Thanthai” Periyar. “Eelathu Gandhi or the Gandhi of Eelam was from the Indian Congress culture. Most party followers referred to him as “Periyavar”. Chelvanayakam had now acquired cult status and was almost a venerated figure.

Among the agitations conducted by the ITAK the most notable ones were the anti-Sri tar brush campaign and the mass Satyagraha of 1961. Chelvanayakam himself was jailed in Batticaloa in 1958 over the tar brush campaign.

In 1961 the Northern and Eastern Provinces were administratively paralysed when Tamil Satyagrahis campaigned opposite Government Secretariats. The campaign reached its climax when a separate postal service was set up and stamps, stamped envelopes and postcards issued. Finally the Army was called in, curfew imposed and Tamil leaders including Chelvanayakam detained and placed under house arrest. Chelvanayakam along with ITAK leaders had been detained in 1958 too.

Agitation cum negotiation

Chelvanayakam’s strategy when dealing with the Governments in power had been that of agitation cum negotiation. In fairness to the ITAK it had despite its rhetoric and non-violent campaigns been more than willing to talk to the governments in power and arrive at a political settlement.

In order to achieve political accommodation Chelvanayakam and the ITAK/FP compromised to a great extent on their original positions. For instance they were amenable to regional councils and district councils instead of a formal federal set-up. They were ready to settle for special provisions regarding the use of the Tamil Language instead of rigid Official Language Status.

Yet, sadly agreements entered into with two Prime Ministers were honoured in the breach in the face of mounting Sinhala extremist pressure. The Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam pact of 1957 as well as the Senanayake-Chelvanayakam pact of 1965 if implemented may have resolved the Tamil problem long before it assumed such violent proportions. Likewise if Tamil grievances had been redressed when articulated in non-violent form through leaders such as Chelvanayakam armed violence need not have risen among Tamil youths.

In spite of Chelvanayakam’s apparent failure to resolve the Tamil problem through negotiations the Tamil people did not consider it his fault. The Tamil people perceived it as the fault of Sinhala leaders who had betrayed Chelvanayakam and by extension therefore the Tamils. Thus Chelvanayakam and the ITAK could continue to win the bulk of Tamil Parliamentary seats. 10 in 1956, 15 in 1960 Mar, 16 in 1960 July, 14 in 1965, 13 in 1970.

KKS by-election

Chelvanayakam’s greatest electoral achievement occurred in the twilight of his life. He resigned his KKS constituency in 1972 Oct and challenged the Government to an election on the question of the Tamil people accepting or rejecting the new Republican constitution of May 1972. After considerable delay the by-election was finally held on 3 February 1975. Chelvanayakam obtained an unprecedented 25,927 defeating V. Ponnambalam of the Communist party by a majority of 16,470.

S.J.V. Chelvanayakam died in Jaffna on 26 April 1977. He had a bad fall some weeks before his death and remained in a coma until his demise. His funeral was an exhibition of a genuine outpouring of collective grief never before seen in Jaffna. All shades of political opinion mourned his loss and leaders of different political parties paid their respects by journeying from the South to Jaffna.

Vote of condolence

A vote of condolence was passed by Parliament on 6 September 1977. Lalith Athulathmudali, then Minister of Trade said, “Samuel James Velupillai Chelvanayakam was born in Ipoh… Ipoh is known as the cleanest city in Malaysia. Perhaps it was in the fitness of things that Mr. Chelvanayakam’s life was marked by a cleanliness unknown in contemporary politics.” 

J.R. Jayewardene then Prime Minister also spoke on the vote of condolence for Chelva. He said, “I have not met anyone in my community or any other community who said that Mr. Chelvanayakam would let you down.” 

These sentiments were merely endorsing what veteran journalist Mervyn de Silva had written in 1963: “For all his physical frailties he is known as the uncrowned King of the North. Chelvanayakam’s antagonists will willingly testify to his integrity.”

Although Chelvanayakam’s Christian names were Samuel and James the Biblical figure that had great impact on him was Moses. Chelva saw himself as some kind of latter-day Moses whose mission was to deliver his persecuted people from political slavery into the promised land of milk and honey.

“Let My People Go”

In fact at Chelvanayakam’s memorial service at the CSI Church in Wellawatte Bishop DJ Ambalavanar delivered a moving eulogical sermon under the text “Let my People Go”. The Biblical verses invoked were from the Old Testament pertaining to Moses, Pharaoh and the Israelites in Egypt.

(The writer can be reached at [email protected].)