Testing AKD’s guts

Give him a chance to accomplish his mandate. If he fails the country will end up in misery

In both statements, PAKD diagnosed the historical Sri Lankan political landscape, fuelled by mistrust and division, and highlighted those affected groups on language, religion, culture, etc., and the isolation of such groups, whose equal rights, and identities were pruned in these processes. Now the regional electorate has placed confidence in PAKD and NPP, it is natural for the President to directly speak to the affected promising democratic governance and actions to massage their wounded hearts

I consider President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s (PAKD’s) post-appointment address to the Cabinet, as an address to the nation, local political parties, the diaspora, media, and political powerpacks abroad – near and far. It is because he has conveyed the conceptual crux of his approach to nation-building and Sri Lanka’s potential revival, countering the economic, political, and social challenges. His wish for “collective responsibility to achieve the goals that will uplift our nation,” is an invitation to all stakeholders.

Last Thursday’s Policy Statement is an endorsement of the address to the Cabinet of Ministers. The first statement resembled the political path, expectations, and advanced advice to use power with restraint to execute the Policy Statement. The latter dealt in detail with the approaches with specific references to actions. It fitted well to achieve the humongous task of proving that the victories echo the “decisive turning point in Sri Lankan politics.” The conversion of a poll of 42% at the Presidential election to two-thirds plus Parliamentary power narrates such echoing.

What he did not specifically say is the change of the north and east minority electoral mindset, between the two elections. A friend who visited Jaffna before the Parliamentary election predicted that NPP would poll between 50,000 to 100,000 in Jaffna in the Parliamentary poll, as against 27,086 at the Presidential election. He expected its repetition in the hill country due to civilians’ frustration with politicians. Both happened as predicted.

Regarding north, east, and the estate sector, I guess there was another hidden strategic reason. It is the electors’ silent adherence to Indian National Security Advisor Ajith Doval’s pre-presidential advice given to Tamil politicians to negotiate with a winnable candidate and secure Tamil aspirations through negotiations. PAKD’s victory paved the path for these voters to the winner, not only a winnable candidate. Doval is a respected strategist! The communities across the divide would have thought similarly to shed the excessive baggage carried on their shoulders.

It is these responses that opened space for PAKD to say that the whole country, irrespective of traditional differentiations, has been united to adhere to the change he wished.

Long-term ‘struggles’

It was not an easy shift. In an interview, PAKD has said: “I thought I would die as a man who struggled to achieve this end, and not a man who accomplished it. We did not think that during our lifetime we would get power and the opportunity to change. Then, on my sick bed, I was thinking – struggling, struggling, struggling – how to achieve this change. But now that we have the opportunity to change, I like to die as a man who finished that task.”

It is not a rhetoric five-year term job. It is vast as seen in the NPP manifesto. The relevant issue is how PAKD’s cadres, Cabinet, bureaucracy, military, trade unions, civil society, media, political parties of all hues, bilateral and multilateral agencies, foreign countries, etc. accept the change of mindset of the electorate and cooperatively contribute to the achievement of this arduous task.

Many in these stakeholder groups would have been onlookers or crossed PAKD’s efforts in the past. Hence, there is a need for massive psychological and attitudinal change in them too. Further, elsewhere when the International Monetary Fund (IMF) salvaged bankrupt economies, the recommended reforms were not heart-warming, pleasing, or palatable. Since the IMF program is continuing, PAKD and these stakeholders must be prepared for unpopular decisions. PAKD should possess bundles of guts and patience, to live with them.

Economy first

The Policy Statement dealt with the details of PAKD’s action plans. Expansion of producing goods and services was highlighted, resulting in trickling economic gains to the producers. It fitted into his explanation to the IMF team concerning the importance of building public confidence in his Government. He emphasised the IMF team regarding the people’s urgent needs, i.e., especially social security measures assisting vulnerable groups that match the Policy Statement. Prioritising essential welfare initiatives (e.g., Aswesuma), eradicating child poverty, and malnutrition, and supporting individuals with disabilities also were in policy initiatives. PAKD’s officials successfully reaching the Staff Level Agreement last Friday differed from the pre-election rebellious anti-IMF NPP rhetoric slogans.

The Policy Statement detailed how the State would play a role in controlling a segment of the market through regulatory actions, insinuating hidden space for ventures in energy management, financial markets, mineral value addition, etc. Similarly, export agriculture and new technological strategies are to serve the farmers. He expected four million tourists in a year, earning eight billion dollars, and dollar five billion revenue from Information Technology by engaging 200,000 persons. These must be private-sector ventures.

Revenue generation must increase to finance other promised salary increases, taxation adjustments, and more. Hence, compensatory alternatives must follow. It is there this “struggle” is not personal to PAKD but to everyone mentioned. The IMF, bilateral, and multilateral agencies, and individual investors, financiers, lenders, et al will keep eyes open on the government’s behaviour. Positive responses have already reached us from the World Bank and Asian Development Bank and the Staff Level Agreement reached will bring more. Perhaps, as a starting point of bilateral assistance to the NPP Government, one may expect Prime Minister Modi to be generous to PAKD on his first visit to Delhi, as he did to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, and Heads of State from Bhutan, Nepal, Maldives, etc. in their past first official visits.

Many policy initiatives require the engagement of the public service in large numbers, which includes poverty alleviation, social service administration, malnutrition reduction, small and medium businesses, etc. Obtaining motivated State employees’ cooperation is essential as PAKD stated in the Policy Statement and addressing Finance Ministry officials.

Concurrently, the policies are combined with other operational reforms in the energy sector, restructuring State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), efficient tax administration and duty policies, pruning the state sector, etc. Operationalisation of these reforms will require courage because reforms in the energy sector or SOEs or state sector employment are politically very sensitive, and on another hand, the NPP stood against these proposed reforms before elections. It is best if the NPP, as advocated by PAKD, develops the guts to move away from political rhetoric slogans and prioritise effective governance.

These reforms are essential to sustain multilateral involvement in restructuring the economy. Additionally, some reforms may require broad systemic changes and approaches that have been delayed for decades, e.g., Free Trade Agreements, trading, and economic rephrasing (e.g., ‘restructuring’ vs. ‘privatisation’). The JVP/NPP and several others had opposed some of these and to support now may be embarrassing. Fortunately, protestors are less now. Nevertheless, there is no shame in course correction.

Many policy initiatives require the engagement of the public service in large numbers, which includes poverty alleviation, social service administration, malnutrition reduction, small and medium businesses, etc. Obtaining motivated State employees’ cooperation is essential as PAKD stated in the Policy Statement and addressing Finance Ministry officials

Clean government

Governance and corruption issues were key components of the IMF dialogue for which the IMF even conducted a special study on governance for the first time in Southeast Asia, a stinking record for a country. Anti-corruption was a grand attraction during election campaigns. Therefore, the NPP’s commitment to combating corruption and enhancing good governance must be firmed up. Its success could compensate for criticisms emanating from other failures, if any.

In this regard, the electorate was given voluminous hope that the corrupt would be taken to task and any “illegally repatriated dollars” would be brought back soon, and this charge against former government functionaries swelled the NPP vote bank. However, the process of pursuing corruption issues is overly complex. Even the UN and World Bank’s Stolen Assets Recovery Initiative (StAR) interventions may succeed slowly, and the repatriated full amounts may not be recovered. Hence, the Government must prove its credible commitment publicly by immediate transparent actions. The electorate is impatient. Best wishes PAKD!

PAKD has explained to the IMF the steps taken to enforce strict rules and regulations, strengthen legislative and institutional frameworks, and ensure transparency and accountability in these efforts. This is not the first time we hear of such positive promises. I am reminded of the Urdu saying “The elephant has two sets of teeth, one for chewing and the other for the show” and PAKD, unlike others must chew, and show too! Society is impatient.

Concerns on the national question

The current economic, social, and political problems in the north and east are a continuation of the past military, political, and resultant economic baggage. There were three opportunities the country had to solve this issue, one in 2002 with the Ceasefire Agreement, 2009 after the conflict was over, and one in 2015 with the Yahapalana Government, but all were wasted due to splits, biases, and obstinacy of some.

Now, we have an unexpected, exceptional fourth opportunity with a total national mandate, for the rights of everyone to be honoured equally. If we fail to overcome the challenges, the result will be our becoming a failed state, chaos-filled, maybe even with bloodshed. Let us keep this in mind and not consider NPP’s success a victory only for PAKD or NPP, but a guideline for the Nation, saving the degeneration of a generation.

Let us reflect on the possible reasoning behind the reflexes of northern, eastern, and hill county elector mindsets. It has issues like poverty, the collapse of essential services delivery (health, energy facilitation), failed elitist politics, dissatisfied youth, unending corruption, Human Rights violations, leaders ignoring peoples’ aspirations, etc. This is cumulative of decades of deterioration of political standards and was common to other areas too.

In both statements, PAKD diagnosed the historical Sri Lankan political landscape, fuelled by mistrust and division, and highlighted those affected groups on language, religion, culture, etc., and the isolation of such groups, whose equal rights, and identities were pruned in these processes. Now the regional electorate has placed confidence in PAKD and NPP, it is natural for the President to directly speak to the affected promising democratic governance and actions to massage their wounded hearts.

His reference to the investigation of leading emblematic criminal cases will satisfy the affected by offering long-awaited justice and punishments to the perpetrators. PAKD has beaten all Heads of State in the past by loudly promising formulation and implementation of laws, investigation, respect for the Rule of Law, most shied accountability, acting against racial discrimination, and criminalisation, and not keeping anyone above the law. This will be a massive reward to people searching for justice on behalf of the disappeared, tortured, murdered, etc., and a happy message to the humanitarian rights law troubleshooters. He exemplifies the highest moral courage by doing so.

This bold response when executed must satisfy the internationals who demand a “comprehensive accountability process for all violations and abuses of human rights committed in Sri Lanka by all parties….) (UNHRC Resolution 51/1). Concurrently, the President’s statement upholds a basic democratic right of Sri Lankans under Articles 11, 12, and 13 of the Constitution, and not on UNHRC or Core Group cajoling. PKAD may review the draft Bill prepared by the former President on the Truth, Unity, and Reconciliation Commission to reinforce his actions on justice to the affected, which include the thousands who lost their lives in JVP uprisings.

Most importantly, when the perpetrators are punished it will register as a satisfactory domestic accountability tool, instead of an international accountability mechanism. If the prosecution fails due to whatever reasons (e.g., non-availability of evidence) it will prove the difficulties of punishing perpetrators by court action, whether domestic or international. Then the NPP government could suggest other compensatory actions, through the Reparation Office or otherwise. Rather than raking negative issues, convincing the affected of the ground realities must be undertaken by political, civil society, international, and Diaspora interlocutors.

Two other questionable issues are the devolution of land and police powers. For decades, these issues were negated without any governmental positive commitment. The JVP and NPP did not, and I think do not show interest in the 13th Amendment (13A). Despite this, the North and East have ignored such and voted NPP to power. To many citizens there, 13A is another sobered demand now, unknown to Letchchamies and Nadarasas, overtaken by economics, humanitarian rights, return to homes, and gaining access to lost assets like land. Hence, the past of JVP and the present of NPP’s attitudes do not seem to matter.

For want of space let me focus on devolution of land powers only. Irrespective of the past of JVP/NPP, let us review whether we could explore, taking the island as one unit benefitting from the devolution of land powers. By such expansion, operational biases are reduced because the common application of systems is negotiable. The usual criticism had been that land power devolution can affect military installations, High-Security Zones, possession of acquired lands, and southern high population cannot be alienated land in the north and east, etc. Northerners and Easterners complain of land use by the military affecting their livelihoods, and the effect on ethnic demographic proportions.

Nevertheless, PAKD in the campaign trail assured the possible release of lands held by the military, and to avoid haphazardness, formulating a policy for such is important. Releasing land is now a compulsory presidential obligation and a constitutional power he possesses.

This could be managed by the provisions in Appendix II of the 13A. To wit, PAKD can appoint the National Land Commission (NLC) to formulate a National Land Policy in consultation with Provincial Councils (Supreme Court determinations apply.) All related concerns will be discussed at the NLC, and the best national policy finalised, sans political and communal biases, again as expected by law. This will ensure what PAKD stated as the “responsibility to consistently protect and elevate the rights of citizens within the democratic framework.”

He considers these election results as symbolising an invitation to freedom for the oppressed, who longed for such freedom to escape the oppression. It must drive him and his teams to think anew. Of course, this will require course correction among members who had been negative on these issues, if he wishes to “create a more liberated environment for the people of this country.” His request to move away from political principles and slogans after the elections and to measure the success of the quality of governance must also be compulsorily applied to attitudinal change in some on top of his administration, worshipping election slogans.

Governance and corruption issues were key components of the IMF dialogue for which the IMF even conducted a special study on governance for the first time in Southeast Asia, a stinking record for a country. Anti-corruption was a grand attraction during election campaigns. Therefore, the NPP’s commitment to combating corruption and enhancing good governance must be firmed up. Its success could compensate for criticisms emanating from other failures, if any

Conclusion

Concisely, the two statements reflected PAKD’s governance approach. The Policy Statement orchestrated PAKD’s philosophy and approach on racist politics, democratic governance, building national unity, maintaining the dignity of the Parliament, efficient State service and an overarching diplomatic service, supremacy of the Rule of Law, stabilising the economy, and continuing with the IMF program, key economic strategies to promote qualitative, economic activities, Clean Sri Lanka Program, etc., ending with a plea for cooperation from everyone to successfully perform for nation building. What more can be expected from a Policy Statement?

However, we find different evaluations in the West; and domestically, as usual. Peaceful elections, the IMF Staff Level Agreement last week show that suspicions on the PAKD Government are currently ill-founded. 

Concerning developing nations, the West always has measures of political philosophies, human rights, and humanitarian approaches and how such nations stand with them to achieve their ends. I think PAKD has adequately addressed those. Probably with prophesied suspicion of PAKD’s political origins – i.e., Marxist, the Western media had been lukewarm, unlike the Indians in Karan Thapar in The Wire or Meera Srinivasan in The Hindu.

It cannot be that the West is unconcerned with the surprising change taking place in Lankan politics. It does not match the way the Western media behaved during the Aragalaya in 2022, where we saw teams of journalists mingling with the youth participating in the Aragalaya at Galle Face Green, and when Arugam Bay “happened” recently. I hope the West will shed the baggage from last week, as PAKD sheds Lankan traditional politics, and support him as an accomplisher of much-needed change.

He needs the overall acceptance and good wishes of his Sri Lankan counterparts and stakeholders to shoulder his responsibilities in the name of the nation and its future generations. Give him a chance to accomplish his mandate. If he fails the country will end up in misery. Sri Lanka may not have a fifth chance!

Lest I am misunderstood, one short quip: Though I know PAKD, I am not a JVP or NPP Comrade, am only a concerned senior citizen.