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“But he is roused by the Hindu-Moslem massacres in Bengal and goes to the district of Noakhali. Sad last pilgrimage; embittered people scatter broken glass on the roads he is to walk. Seventeen years before, on the Salt March, at the other end of India, the poor had sometimes strewn his path with cool green leaves. Now in Bengal, he has nothing to offer except his presence, and he knows it. Yet he is heard to say to himself again and again, ‘Kya karun? Kya karun? What shall I do?’” – India: A wounded Civilisation- V.S. Naipaul
There is an element of tragedy pervading the frenetic campaign by elements of the former Government to revive the political career of Mahinda Rajapaksa, the defeated President. Only three months back, even before his second term was over, the people voted Rajapaksa out with quite a convincing majority.
In a democratic culture, this is not a startling event. After all people’s needs, attitudes and ideas change and with it a change of leadership becomes desirable, if not essential. Yesterday’s answer is often today’s problem.
As commonly said, politics is a calling and not a career path to riches, a way to join the genteel class, to live off public money, uplift your family or to indulge in an ego trip. A person takes to politics to serve, to work for a larger cause than self. But when does he decide that no further purpose will be served by persisting, what is the final whistle?
After all, Mahinda Rajapaksa has been a Minister, a Leader of the Opposition, a Prime Minister and then finally a two-term President. In that forlorn group campaigning for his return, there is not a single person examining the causes for the rejection of 8 January, their only demand being the restoration of what was rejected!
In the post-independence electoral history of Sri Lanka, the presidential elections of 8 January (2015) will surely occupy a special place. If nothing else, it was one of the biggest upsets seen at an election.
Prior to the elections the incumbent President Mahinda Rajapaksa was seemingly so well-entrenched in the office that he even despaired of a lack of a credible Opposition. This confidence was not limited to an incumbent increasingly identifying his own interests with that of the State, but of many others as well who saw an atavistic vision of a kingly tradition in the garish doings of the President.
What more seasoned and mature minds would have seen as an over-blown and dangerous megalomania, they saw as rightful rituals of governance, so agreeable to their temperament that Rajapaksa was to be succeeded by other Rajapaksas, the order of succession of course depending on astrological arrangements.
Diminishing democracy
Eventually the challenger rose from the President’s own ranks. The kind of concentration of power that Mahinda Rajapaksa indulged in did not exactly encourage Oppositional activity. The last few years have shown how easy it is to diminish democratic institutions and methods into mere formalities, while deeply undermining and corrupting them.
An unscrupulous administration may use the entire State machinery as a campaigning tool day in and day out. Employment given in the State sector with no heed to economic factors, favours of every sort granted as inducements to buy loyalty, roads and schools named after those targeted for conversion, for the heedless voter – sumptuous meals at the President’s house; the list of such abuse of governance and moral corruptions is endless.
It is a sad fact, illustrative of our political mores, that most powerful media institutions in this country are in the hands of the Government. Going by the characters appointed to lead them during the Rajapaksa regime, it is clear that they intended to use them to the hilt to abuse and vilify political opponents.
What was called private media could be bought over or intimidated with ease. Even when the people vote a person into the Opposition ranks, it was shown repeatedly that he could be enticed with portfolios and other benefits to join the Rajapaksa Government, if such a cross-over was deemed useful by the Government.
For daring to challenge Mahinda Rajapakse at the 2009 presidential elections the price paid by the intransigent Sarath Fonseka, the former Army Commander, was a jail term with hard labour and the loss of all retirement benefits earned in a long career as a soldier. Fonseka’s relatives, supporters and even friends were harassed in various ways.
In charge of the entire law enforcement apparatus was the somewhat sinister figure of Gotabaya, the President’s own brother, with an open cheque to do as he wished and apparently not accountable to anyone. The schooling, the training, adherence to the public service code, so essential for other administrators, was not required of him.
At all times a public servant is accountable and if found guilty of something improper or not expected of him, he runs the risk of ruining a career built up over the years. Not so with people like Gotabaya, who can hog the system for a few years and then walk away with no liability whatsoever. Of the Courts of law, that last bastion of human rights, all that the people saw was a Chief Justice beaming with joy while rubbing shoulders with the President and his family.
It is in this bleak and forbidding environment that Maithripala Sirisena broke ranks to lead an opposition that was perhaps the last opportunity to reverse a creeping family dictatorship. There is no question that he risked a lot in daring to challenge the Rajapaksa juggernaut. Many still do not realise how close to the precipice the country had got.
Basil, a metaphor for the family
Even for a culture inclined to indulge family excesses, the Rajapaksas were extremists. Nothing was denied to a Rajapaksa, no, in reality they could do anything and they were always declared to be right!
Basil Rajapaksa, said to be an American citizen, the chief campaign organiser of all three presidential campaigns of Mahinda, is perhaps a metaphor for the family. When Mahinda Rajapaksa was elected President in 2005, although he was not even an MP then, Basil overnight became one of the most powerful figures in the country. In the 10 years that followed Basil in sequence became an “adviser”, an MP and then although a junior MP, a very senior Minister commanding a huge budget. 
These were dream years for the Rajapaksa family and Basil lived the life. He was in a decision-making position in respect of many, if not most, of the economic and business matters of the Government. He was also made the chief organiser of the SLFP.
Then on 8 January came the unexpected defeat of his brother President Rajapaksa. On or about 10 January, Basil (now) a former Minister (with wife) went in a convoy of the plushest vehicles this country could afford to the Katunayake Airport, checked in at the VIP lounge and then flew away first class to the USA, his country of domicile. We can only hope that those two first class tickets to the USA would be the last time this country would have to bear costs incurred by Basil Rajapaksa and family.
Nepotism unleashed
Mahinda Rajapaksa appointed two of his nephews as Ambassadors to the USA and Russia respectively. As we all know the USA is the only super power in the world today while resource-rich Russia is a very big international player. In the everyday parlance not being from the Foreign Ministry or the public sector, these two are what are referred to as political appointees.
Their careers prior to these appointments are shrouded in obscurity but we understand that they were already living in those countries, a familiar pattern. We do not know what qualifications or personal qualities the two possessed to claim these important diplomatic appointments, but we can be sure that there are thousands of other Sri Lankans who are more deserving and would have brought honour to their country had they been selected.
Under the culture unleashed by Mahinda Rajapaksa it was only natural that his son Namal Rajapaksa became the Leader of the SLFP Youth Wing and even commanded a small personal “court” consisting of much older ministers and MPS. We even saw so-called intellectuals, governors and captains of industry acting in a manner far beneath their age and dignity in the presence of the “prince”.
Of course the Rajapaksa ethos then prevailing did not allow any questioning of the wisdom of Mahinda Rajapaksa when he thought it fit to bring his brother-in-law Nishantha Wickramasinghe in as the Chairman of SriLankan, an ill-advised venture which has now become one of the biggest drains on the public purse, when turning the airline around would require the leadership of a Lee Kuan Yew with perhaps a Lee Iacocca steering the wheel!
Plight of the Sri Lankan voter today
It is this kind of man and that kind of political culture that they are now demanding is brought back!
But if that demand is tragic for the poverty of its philosophy, what of the confusion now prevailing in a Government which pledged good governance within 100 days, the fulfilment of which may perhaps prove to be a promise too far?
To an independent observer it will appear that this country is between Scylla and Charybdis. Having exorcised an evil Government, we are now not sure whether the replacement is an improvement or another tragicomedy in embryo. Perhaps the Rajapaksas are just a symptom of a far deeper malaise; of a way of thinking, of a way of seeing and more importantly of being!
That Gandhi despair 60 some years ago, “Kya karun? What shall I do?” may well reflect the plight of the Sri Lankan voter today. While going back to the Rajapaksa past is a definite no, what the future holds, only time will tell.
(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law and a freelance writer.)
