Friday Nov 15, 2024
Friday Nov 15, 2024
Friday, 17 October 2014 00:03 - - {{hitsCtrl.values.hits}}
Q: How would you describe the recently-held Uva PC election?
A: If we analyse the numbers deeply, it is clear that the outcome is not very encouraging for the Government. Badulla accounts for nearly 65% of the 943,000 registered voters of the province. Badulla also has an ethnic mix, with 73% Sinhalese and the balance drawn from the minorities, with the upcountry Tamils accounting for about two-thirds of them. Thus Badulla is a little closer than Monaragala to the ethnic makeup of the national electorate.
The turnout of about 72% (excluding those whose ballots were rejected) was higher than the 66% reached in the previous PC poll in the province in 2009. This suggests that the people responded to the Opposition to come out to express their preference. It’s a well-known fact that the higher the voter turnout, the more difficult it will be for the UPFA. I am pretty sure President Rajapaksa is a very worried, insecure and nervous man to receive such a result leading up to the presidential election, which will be held early next year.
To win a nationwide single electorate election, the magic number is 50% plus one. To reach that target, the UPFA must either get an additional nine to 10 Sinhalese Buddhist votes or court the minorities or use some combination of the two.
Final results in the Badulla District were UPFA 209,056 votes (47.37%) – nine seats; UNP 197,708 votes (44.79%) – eight seats; JVP 20,625 votes (4.67%) – one seat. The National Unity Alliance secured about 1% of the votes, which is a clear rejection of the SLMC and Muslim rank and file within the UPFA for their lack of leadership and double standards displayed. Minister Weerawansa’s JNP that contested alone also garnered less than 1% of the vote and Democratic Party was overall in the sixth position with 0.73%. The UPFA cleared Badulla District by a razor thin margin of 11,348 votes.
I view these results as a boon for the once-under-fire United National party, as we have seen significant gains compared to the last Uva Provincial Council polls back in 2009. In short I would say the beginning of the end has started and the writing is on the wall to chase away this corrupt, inefficient, wasteful and dictatorial regime.
Q: What do you think about the results? Are you satisfied with the outcome?
A: I cannot say that the elections were held in a free and a fair manner as there were large scale malpractices and election-related violations.
The Government mobilised the entire Cabinet, the 7,000-odd 
graduates who were recently given jobs, corporation chairmen and director boards and other State sector employees to the UVA Province, especially Badulla District. We also witnessed Presidential security people (PSD), armed forces like the STF, underworld and political thugs carrying firearms and illegal weapons being mobilised in Badulla and Moneragala Districts.
The UPFA regime initiated its shameless acts by removing three seats from the Badulla and adding them to Moneragala, despite the population in Badulla being more than double that of Moneragala.
The UPFA tried to buy over the Opposition candidates by exploiting their financial weaknesses and abusing Police, Army, STF and State powers and resources. All the hotels and guest houses in areas where elections were held were fully booked as the Government brought in all the ministers, provincial councillors, urban councillors, Samurdhi workers and their henchman, thugs and the underworld, who were resorting to thuggery, intimidation, violence and terror tactics in both Badulla and the Moneragala District.
The UPFA distributed TVs, DVD players, saris, material for clothing, mobile phones, footballs, volleyballs, cricket gear, motorbikes, cycles, three-wheelers, DIMO Battas, tractors, roofing sheets, water pumps, water tanks and many other electrical goods and white goods. It is a well-known fact that both the UPFA and CWC ordered 200,000 bottlers of arrack from a well-known private distillery, which were distributed lavishly among estate sector workers.
In Moneragala each voter was paid Rs. 2,500 to vote for the UPFA and cast a preference vote only for Sasheendra Rajapaksa, which even annoyed the candidates within the UPFA and resulted in fighting among them. We saw Government members such as Wijithamuni Soysa, Sumedha Jayasena, Harindra Bandara and Jagath Pushpakumara publicly complaining about the daylight robberies of preferential votes which were taking place in the district.
I was surprised to see the President himself going from village to village on election canvassing, despite this being just another provincial council election. I think President Mahinda Rajapaksa was in Badulla for more than three weeks and personally spearheaded the campaign except during the two days when the Chinese President and Japanese Premier came to Sri Lanka. This shows how seriously they took this election.
In Badulla, with the support of Basil Rajapaksa, Provincial Council Minister Nimal Lanza was paying Rs. 5,000 per family and distributing irons, heaters and kettles even one day before the election and also on the day of the election. We took measures to report these violations to the Election Commissioner and the law enforcement authorities, but no action was taken. When I met Nimal Lanza at a counting centre, he said that he personally allocated Rs. 50 million to be distributed among Uva Passara and estate sector voters.
Considering all this massive expenditure and malpractices, I think everyone within the UNP should be extremely happy that we managed to record a tremendous result and bridge the gap between the UPFA which consists of several parties and the UNP to a mere 2%. If UNP and JVP votes are put together, we would have recorded a resounding victory of 51%.
I believe that my team and I were able to exceed the expectations of our leadership and seniors, who gave us a target of 40%. I was able to meet the challenge posted by various politicians by obtaining 173,993 preferential votes in Badulla, translating it to 88%, which was the highest number of votes polled in the Badulla and overall in the province secured in the history of Sri Lanka politics. It is correct to say that I was deeply humbled and extremely satisfied by the overall result although in hindsight I still believe that had I not fallen sick during the campaign and had my fellow candidates and I focused more on the estate sector, we could have beaten this Rajapaksa regime convincingly.
Q: There are allegations that you have spent millions of rupees on your campaign, which was only a provincial council election. How do you justify this?
A: It’s an extremely unfair allegation. My campaign cost was not huge compared to that of the Government. Most funds came to me by way of donations from well-wishers both in Sri Lanka and overseas. My own father, who was not happy with me leaving Parliament, didn’t help me like he used to do in the past. I am very grateful to all those who supported me in numerous ways and I will strive hard to meet their expectations and aspirations.
Today, to be in politics you need money. Although I don’t believe in this theory, unfortunately this is the bitter truth. After 2005 President Rajapaksa has taken Sri Lankan politics to a whole new level and the deterioration is beyond salvaging point. They have attached a price tag to everything. During the UVA provincial elections they were offering Rs. 100 million to the top tier UNP candidates to cross over. Our seniors and juniors did not sell their souls for money, although they all had numerous financial difficulties.
Personally I am very thankful and proud of my team as they gave a clear message to every single politician, businessmen and citizen in the country. According to our sources, the total UPFA campaign expenditure exceeded Rs. 1 billion. The extent to which the UPFA was distributing gifts, goodies and cash handouts is in itself a clear indication about their huge campaign budget, which was 20 times bigger than mine although in the end they only managed to win by a mere 11,200 votes.
Q: What are your thoughts about having to sacrifice your Parliamentary seat?
A: I have absolutely no regrets. Should there be an opportunity to do it all over again, I will not hesitate and I would not think twice before doing it. I don’t fear big names, power or stature. I have tremendous people’s support both in Badulla and around Sri Lanka. I hail from a family which has had a staunch loyalty and affiliation to the UNP so I consider it an honour and a privilege to have had the opportunity to make this sacrifice.
Q: How does it feel to be a mere regional politician from a once-vibrant Parliamentarian?
A: You are either trying to put words into my mouth or trying to conceive an idea with the objective of demoralising me. I am extremely happy with the decision and the sacrifice I made. My obligation and responsibility lies with the voters and general public of the Badulla District and Uva Province, which is home to five of the poorest Pradeshiya Sabhas in the country. I am still the same vibrant and humble politician you once saw in Parliament. My level of motivation, courage and conviction to serve my people is stronger than ever.
Q: It is believed that your candidacy revived the scattered UNP. Do you think you have achieved what was expected of you?
A: Not only I, the whole country, even the Ministers and MPs within the UPFA ranks, feel my team and I in Badulla and Moneragala have put the party on track for victory at the presidential election. We are within striking distance. You must not forget that the UPFA is a coalition of several parties and they collectively secured 47% in Badulla whereas the UNP as a single party secured 45% and the gap between us is now only 2%.
The Rajapaksa regime, which is running scared, has pressured the electronic media not to compare the comparison between the 2009 and the present Uva Provincial Council election result. In fact, the comparisons of the elections in the media and net sites have been pulled out. The Rajapaksa regime, especially President Rajapaksa, is now electorally vulnerable.
We challenge this regime to hold the election as planned and face the truth about the chaos and misery that the Rajapaksa rule has brought upon the people. In the face of this first salvo, fired against the regime’s authoritarianism and corruption in Uva, it will be incumbent upon all forces opposing Rajapaksa rule to unite in order to deliver the people from this family curse. It will be our duty for the sake of the nation.
Q: The Uva elections have given a new boost to the UNP and to the entire country. How prepared is the UNP to take forward this development?
A: The UNP is going through a restructuring phase, but I would personally like to see these reforms and restructuring happening at a rapid pace as we will most likely face an election either in January or March 2014 and many say it will be definitely held in January as the earlier the better for the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime, which is a very valid point.
The ecstatic UNP leadership and its seniors are all showing greater flexibility to embrace change and go through these reforms, which is indeed a positive sign. We must bring together all the members who have been sidelined for various reasons, invite onboard our ex-members who left us to join the UPFA Government and any new members who may wish to join us to form a strong team or a strong Opposition. People should be appointed for positions on merit, popularity, work ethics, loyalty and discipline and not on whims and fancies of anyone, including the party leaders or the seniors.
The time has come to set aside petty differences, leave aside hatred and iron out personal vendettas people have against each other and stop the infighting within the party. We all have to make compromises and learn to forgive and forget and move on for the sake of this country.
Sajith Premadasa’s re-entry and appointment as the Deputy Leader is indeed a positive move and a popular choice, for which I have been personally lobbying. Then the other appointments like that of Ranjith Madduma Bandara as Senior Vice President is also a move in the right direction as he is one of the most senior people in the party, having first been elected in 1989. Our supporters also welcome the appointments of Ravi Karunanayake as Assistant Leader, MP Thalatha Atukorale being appointed as the Deputy General Secretary for Elections, etc.
Among seniors, it is worthwhile to mention the likes of Karu Jayasuriya, Rosy Senanayake, Chandrani Bandara, Mangala Samaraweera, Lakshman Kiriella and Gayantha Karunatilleke, etc. as their experience could be put to an effective use. I believe there are plans being drawn to make positive changes at the district level as well as the grass-root level, which is sign of the party moving in the right direction too.
I have come across so many friends and people who have voted for the UPFA from 1994 up to the 2010 presidential election, but all these people now come and tell me that they have had enough of this Government. The people have had enough of this Government’s lies. They have had enough of its corruption. They are tired of its nepotism and self-serving rule. The people have rejected the lawlessness and impunity perpetrated by the incumbent regime. Society at large including the hardcore SLFP voters feel the time has come for the Rajapaksa regime to be shown the door. Trouble is brewing within the camp for the Rajapaksa family.
Q: How prepared is the UNP to face a presidential election?
A: The final result in Badulla and Uva has raised hopes for many of a possible defeat of Rajapaksa at a future election and has built very good momentum for the UNP. It has generated discussions, debates, hypotheses, vast interest and predictions. For the UNP, our Uva performance signals a probable opportunity of going it alone or together with the CWC, DP, JVP and SLMC and winning at the next election rather than contesting via a common alliance. The UNP is in very good bargaining position to discuss with all the minority parties including the JVP.
I believe certain seniors in the party, with the blessings from the leadership, are working tirelessly towards an Opposition coalition and a common program too. Discussions are underway with various ministers within the UPFA regime too. The splits and cracks within the UPFA camp are visible to everyone as no one is happy to see Mahinda Rajapaksa contesting for a third term against the Constitution. The UPFA as a party has become the private property of Mahinda Rajapaksa, his brothers, children and family.
The UPFA regime, meanwhile, finds itself in a catch 22 situation: A choice between early polls or living its full term until 2016, although I feel an early snap election is somewhat in their favour. It’s needless for me to say a well-planned campaign at the ground level is essential to defeat the SLFP-led UPFA political machinery that is well entrenched in the electorate. This situation can change overnight if a few of the SLFP stalwarts decide to crossover to the UNP as Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Rajapaksa family are hugely unpopular among many of the seniors within the UPFA ranks.
I also expect our party to appoint vibrant electoral organisers for all electorates in the province and they have carried out reorganisation, including Lak Vanitha Units, Jathika Sevaka Sangamaya and Youth Leagues, etc. Much would depend on who will support and who will oppose the UNP or a joint Opposition alliance.
Q: How can you say that the Uva outcome will not be repeated at the next presidential election?
A: The simple answer is that presidential elections are held on a national scale, so it will be very hard for the Government to mobilise its resources, people or the State machinery into one district whereas in a provincial election they can put all their resources and attention into that particular district. This is the very reason why the Rajapaksa regime is holding elections on a staggered basis despite it being a huge financial drain on State coffers.
The Uva Province was perceived to be the UPFA’s strongest region. It is no secret that President Mahinda Rajapaksa left the Uva provincial election till the very end in order to ensure it would be a final show of strength before he contests a third, illegal term for the presidency in January 2015. It was to be a spectacular win, a message to the rest of Sri Lanka and the world about the unshaken bastions of Rajapaksa power; however, the plans backfired.
On a national scale, the UNP or the joint Opposition can significantly weaken the Rajapaksa family-led UPFA Government. We also feel Mahinda Rajapaksa running for the third term against the Constitution will also lead to many seniors within the UPFA ranks playing an inactive role or even deciding to join the UNP to defeat the Rajapaksa family curse, which would have a major impact as well.
Q: Why can’t the UNP win an election? Where do you think the UNP’s problem actually is? Is it the party? Leadership? Internal issues? Or is it the public?
A: The UNP definitely can win elections, therefore I do not agree with your question. At the 2005 presidential elections, the LTTE did not allow the Tamil people to vote, which resulted in UNP candidate Ranil Wickremesinghe losing the election by a wafer-thin margin.
Then Mahinda Rajapaksa together with Sarath Fonseka and Gotabaya Rajapaksa decided to crush LTTE terrorism militarily in 2009. Following the eradication of terrorism, it was just a cakewalk for Mahinda Rajapaksa to retain the presidency at the subsequent presidential election in 2010 as people voted for him irrespective of party policies and as a mark of gratitude.
Five years have lapsed since the eradication of terrorism and the political landscape of the country has now taken a different turn as we feel that some of the burning issues of the people have still not been addressed although during the war the Government requested people to tighten their belts. There is a complete breakdown in law and order in this country. Under Mahinda Rajapaksa’s rule, Sri Lanka has become Asia’s capital for drugs, ethanol and human smuggling.
I think we do have a leader who is best suited to lead this country to economic prosperity and establish rule of law and who could restore democracy, however it would be imperative for us to take a decision weighing all the pros and cons if we are moving towards a common alliance. Personally, I do see a massive change in the attitude in Ranil Wickremesinghe and his approach and flexibility have been a stark contrast to what we have experienced in the past. No one will dispute it if I say Ranil Wickremesinghe is the most capable, experienced, honest and internationally-accepted politician in the country who could salvage this country from its present misery. No one can ever call Ranil Wickremesinghe a rogue, a racist or an undemocratic person.
The biggest stumbling block for the UNP in my view has been the deep divisions within the party, especially between the Ranil Wickremesinghe and Sajith Premadasa factions. In Uva I made a huge sacrifice and also gave the UNP a very good head-start and we are within touching distance of the UPFA. Now the baton has been passed to Sajith Premadasa, who has been appointed to the all-powerful position of Deputy Leader and entrusted with a huge mission. I hope Premadasa will be able to travel to every corner of the island and build an effective and efficient team and lead the UNP to victory just like late Ranasinghe Premadasa did in 1977 under the J.R. Jayewardene administration.
It is no secret that some insignificant factions within the party, outside the party and media organisations who are playing double games and acting as proxies for this corrupt and inefficient Rajapaksa regime are plotting to use Premadasa as a pawn to destroy the UNP and give an unlawful third term to Mahinda Rajapaksa.
Sajith Premadasa is a very intelligent, practical and street smart politician, so I doubt very much that he will align with these evil elements. Everybody is watching and expecting Sajith Premadasa to work tirelessly to establish credibility among his staunch supporters and lead the party to a resounding victory. The ball is in Sajith Premadasa’s court and I have no doubt that he will take up the challenge very bravely and rise to the occasion.
It’s my sincere belief this time around that whoever who tries to destroy the party and sabotage its victory will be condemned by the general public. Admittedly, I have contempt for politicians who surreptitiously hurt their own party for nothing more than self-interest and carry out Government agendas. Most of them have nothing much to lose, have no mandate and have no public support, whilst some others have too many skeletons in their cupboards and are under obligation to the ruling Government to carry out its dirty work. If these efforts continue in the wake of the unity and cooperation that has come to this party after our victories in Uva, we will have no choice but to stand against that and lobby hard to expel those people from the party so we can have a fresh and clean start.
Q: Despite your trusting and backing Sajith Premadasa, he did not actively support you at the Uva election. How can you say the party is now united?
A: I do have lot of trust and faith in Sajith Premadasa’s bona fides and intentions and at no time has he betrayed me or the UNP. It is true that Sajith Premadasa’s faction did have policy differences with the party leadership and stayed away from actively engaging in the campaign till 5 September. I was able to bring Sajith Premadasa, Ranil Wickremesinghe, Karu Jayasuriya, Tissa Attanayake, Kabir Hashim, Lakshman Kiriella, Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe and Ravi Karunanayake to one stage and unite the once-divided party. Subsequent to the UNP Annual Convention held in Passara on 5 September, Sajith Premadasa decided to throw his full weight behind the campaign, although timing wise it was a bit too late.
I also wish to point out that Sajith Premadasa fell ill and could not get involved in the Badulla District campaign as much as he and we wanted, apart from being able to participate in the two main rallies in Bandarawela and Mahiyanganaya. During the last week of the campaign Sajith Premadasa was compelled to go and help his close friend Ranjith Madduma Bandara in Moneragala to boost their campaign, which is a very weak area for the UNP. I think against all odds in Moneragala the UNP was able to secure five seats, which once again exceeded the target of the party leadership.
Q: What happened to your challenge with Udaya Gammanpila? Do you agree that you have violated the conditions?
A: I don’t think I would want to waste my time in countering or commenting on the challenges posed to me by a politician like Udaya Gammanpila, who is not taken seriously by the masses of this country. This gentleman has been contradicting his own words countless times and it is evident that he is dancing to the tunes of the Rajapaksa family to obtain a bigger and a better position, for which I wish him good luck.
Any person with brains will understand that in a very poor, remote and geographically large area like Badulla and Moneragala where internet usage is less than 1%, it’s impossible to depend solely on an electronic media campaign. In order to effectively carry out my propaganda and publicity work, I had to depend on a poster campaign and grass-root level pocket meetings.
It would be better if Udaya Gammanpila throws these challenges to the Rajapaksa regime, which is engaged in countless election-related malpractices and violations. This man has no policies and principles whatsoever.
