TNA tackles talks, polls and politics

Tamil National Alliance (TNA) Parliamentarian M.A. Sumanthiran says he doubts whether new Tiger chief KP is currently in Government custody. “I don’t know whether KP is in custody,” he notes, adding, “He is a person who is wanted by the Interpol. He is wanted in India in connection with Rajiv Gandhi’s killing. But he seems to be an honoured State guest in Sri Lanka.”

Sumanthiran, who is also a prominent lawyer, points out that while the Commander of the Army at the time of the war is now in prison, the one who succeeded Prabhakaran as the Leader of the LTTE is flying around in helicopters and engaging in political activities.

He stresses that the Government should not behave in a way that gives a message to the Tamil people that they are treated as a ‘conquered race’. “If this country is to go forward, this more than 60-year-old issue must be resolved and it must be resolved amicably,” he asserts.

Referring to the recent clash regarding seats in the north, Sumanthiran says it is unjust to forcibly keep someone out of their home and reduce their representation in Parliament as a result of their absence. “There are areas that are maintained as high security zones, preventing people from coming and settling there. In such a situation, using the present population and registering a number is very unjust,” he points out.

Following are excerpts from the interview:

Q: What is the reason behind your sudden decision to suspend talks with the Government?

A: It is not a suspension, nor is it a sudden decision. These talks started on 10 January 2011. We have had 10 rounds of talks. At the second round on 3 February, we gave a paper with some points for discussion. The Government said we need to give a more comprehensive paper. At the next discussion, which was the third round (18 March), we gave a comprehensive paper with comprehensive points for discussion. Then they said they need to come back with their position.

Although we fixed the fourth meeting for 4 April, they said they will discuss the paper at the fifth round on 29 April. On that day they said they were not ready with the response. They wanted to discuss it at the fifth round. At the fifth round they said they were not ready again and it would be discussed at the sixth round. Sixth round they were not ready, seventh round they were not ready, eighth round they were not ready and said they would give a written response at the next round.

When the next discussion came, they said they would not give a written response but would discuss and then state their position. It went on like that. On 4 August at the 10 round also they were not ready to discuss it. Without them stating their position on the paper that we submitted at their request in March, we are unable to proceed with any discussion on that.

We have had other discussions. But on the points that we placed at their request, we haven’t been able to have any discussion at all. That is why we said ‘you had five months – seven rounds since we submitted the paper. Tell us when you are ready with your stand on these matters. No point fixing the 11th round of talks because when we come, you will say you are not ready. When you are ready, you tell us. We will come, sit down and talk.’

The two weeks that we gave is not a deadline. If we merely said ‘tell us when you are ready,’ then they would have taken another five years to tell us their position. Therefore, we told them to tell us their position in two weeks. This is exactly what happened. There is no deadline, no suspension or pulling out of talks.

Q: Why do you think the Government is acting this way?

A: We have said this in our statement – we said this during talks too. The Government being engaged in talks with us is used by it to tell everyone internationally that it is engaged in talks with the TNA as an integral part of some reconciliation process, when the truth of the matter is that we sit there, have a cup of tea and come. It is a charade for some other purpose. We said we cannot allow ourselves to be used for that kind of exercise.

Q: Why are you making allegations against the Government? Why now?

A: From time to time we pointed out certain issues. In paper interviews I have said the talks are a sham. Not only the substantive talks with regard to devolution, even with regard to day-to-day matters and several other issues such as the detainees list, high security zone, paramilitary forces and so on, we have told the Government repeatedly that the assurances given at the table are not being kept. At every next meeting, the Government apologises to us. So it has gone on from January till August. If we want to make these talks meaningful, we have to get them to respond.

I must say that there were some positive factors also that we discussed. It is not that there were no discussions at all. But on the crucial issues, the three matters that we identified, they have not given their response. It is not possible to go forward with any substantive discussion without the Government making its decision known.

Q: With drawbacks like this, do you feel talks with the Government could be continued successfully?

A:We are still very open to continue with the dialogue; it is for that very reason that we have done this. Merely by going for discussions week after week, we are not progressing with the talks. Our intention is that the talks must be meaningful and purposeful. As to how hopeful we are, that I cannot tell; that all depends on the Government’s attitude to this. If they want the talks to work, then they must be serious about it. We have requested them to respond within two weeks, but if they say they need three weeks or even a month, that’s all right. That’s why I say it is not a deadline. It is a request in order to ensure that the time is not open-ended.

Q: At the beginning didn’t you feel that the Government was not genuinely interested in talks but only trying to mislead the international community?

A: I don’t want to surmise and say this is what we felt and so on. That will hinder the talks. While we are engaged in talks, I don’t think it is right to describe the other side as not being genuine. What we are saying is that if they are genuine, that must translate; that must show in actual deals.

Q: The Government has rejected your demands. What is your stand on that?

A: The Government knows very well that we did not make any demands. They know the context in which we make this request. So if they are now telling the world something different what they themselves know, that is perhaps an indication of what their true intent is.

From March they had given us an undertaking that they would respond. Once they said they would give it in writing. If they are now saying ‘how can we do it in 10 days?’ that is not reflecting of what they really know. But then it is for the world to judge what’s going on. We have made statement very clear and we will continue to say this is what happened and that we have not shut the door on the talks.

Q: What will your next step be?

A: If I say what my next step will be, that might again hinder the process. We will have to wait and see. It all depends on the Government’s response. If they respond, then we can go forward.

Q: Various people are urging Indian mediation to solve this crisis situation at present. What’s your response?

A: Many saw various weaknesses in this process. One weakness the people saw was the absence of a third party facilitator or mediator. We don’t see intervention of a third party with goodwill as a negative step. But primarily the two parties must have a genuine interest in continuing with the negotiations.

Q: Do you agree to Indian mediation?

A: We will welcome any help from any quarter. We don’t subscribe to the view that this is an internal matter and no one else should come in and help. I think we can do with all the help that is available.

Q: What do you have to say about the recently-held elections?

A: The local council election results are significant because we placed certain matters before our people. One of those was particularly the talks with the Government. We asked the people to give a verdict on their support for causes that would result in an acceptable political solution through negotiations. What is an acceptable political solution is substantive devolution and we placed that also before the people within a united country.

Now these elections were treated in a very important manner by the Government. About 13 ministers stayed in Jaffna and campaigned for over a week. The President himself stayed in Jaffna for three days. He didn’t do that even for the presidential elections. They threw everything they had into this. Suddenly high security zones were lifted, people were resettled and handouts were given.

What would have otherwise all been corrupt election practices were done in the guise of resettlement. Sudden concern for all the displaced was on display. We allowed that to go on because our people needed that relief. But the people were not fools. They took what was given by the Government and voted for us. We told them to do that! We told them to take anything that was given, because all those were justly theirs.

This was what was kept back from them until the end, therefore we told them not to refuse anything that was given. Even sarees were distributed. Clothes and cash were given. However, on one side there were threats and intimidation and everyone knows what went on. Despite all of that and despite the fact that the Government won handsomely in the south, the people in the north and the east have rejected the Government and given us their mandate.

I said this is significant because if we believe in democracy as we profess to do, then these democratic verdicts of the Tamil people must be heeded and can’t be just ignored. One minister has said just after the elections that these council elections are useless and it is only to put up lamp posts and fix taps on the road. If that was the case, why did they take it so seriously? This is sour grapes.

Even the fact that we lost three councils in the islands is significant. Those are places we could not go for campaigning. In one island we couldn’t even go there to get candidates. The two people we sent to get signatures to Delft were detained until after the deadline expired. These islands are been controlled by the paramilitary force that is the constituent part of this Government. Those are the three councils that we lost. It is a good thing that we lost because that demonstrates what the Government is doing there.

Q: The Government has secured second place in the north and east. Don’t you agree that it is indeed a notable achievement?

A: I don’t think so. With this kind of corrupt practices they were engaged in ordinarily in other places they should have won. But here they couldn’t win. They managed to buy votes, they managed to intimidate people. For instance one election held in Manthai East in March and we won all the seats. After the election, the Governor himself went there and has been telling the people that they are ungrateful; that they take everything from the Government and vote for the TNA and has taken the officials to task and so on.

People in some areas knew what the consequences would be if they voted for TNA. Despite that, most people voted for the TNA. There must be and will be people who get intimidated, particularly people who don’t have shelter, those who are struggling to make ends meet and the TNA can’t do anything for them. Those people are entirely dependent on Government handouts. It’s natural for people to think ‘let’s get something – we need to live’. So the Government must have got that kind of vote.

Q: Do you agree that it was a peaceful election overall except for the few incidents that took place in Mullaitivu?

A: On polling day it was peaceful. But the run-up to the day was not peaceful. Our very first meeting was disrupted by the Army in full uniform. Although we have made complaints – I have said that I can identify the officers who led that attack on us – no one has been apprehended to date.

There has been a lot of violence. Dogs were slaughtered and heads spiked on gates of our candidates. Even after the election, a journalist was badly beaten up. He could have died. This has happened just 200 metres from an Army checkpoint. So far no one has been apprehended. Whenever you find a particular incident of assault or violence not resulting in any arrest or action, then you know who is behind it.

Q: Although you have won the majority of the councils in north and east, how could you expect smooth functioning of these institutions when there is confrontation with the Government?

A: It is difficult. But what options do we have? Are we to throw in the towel, go down on our knees and beg for mercy? That we will not do.

Q: What is the actual situation in the north at present?

A: The situation is pretty bad. We called for an adjournment debate in Parliament on 7 July at which we placed before Parliament all the things that are happening in north and east – the land grabs, the post settlements, new persons brought in and settled in these areas, increased militarisation, places of worship being destroyed, new Buddha statues and Buddhist places of worshiping coming up in areas where there are no Buddhist civilians at all, increased ‘Sinhalisation,’ new Sinhala names being given, name boards being changed and so on.

All that was listed, I even tabled an 18-page document. The Government did not even respond to that. The Government is seemingly working to an agenda. That is why the democratic verdict of the people is not being honoured.

Q: Present LTTE Leader KP, who is in Government custody, is raising funds for northern development. How do you see this move?

A: I don’t know whether he is in custody. There are pictures in newspapers of him walking out of large doors. I couldn’t see any handcuffs or anything. So how could we say he is in custody? Anyway, anybody in custody raising funds is a very strange thing. The country doesn’t seem to know what his status is. The country should know.

The Commander of the Army at the time of the war is in prison. The one who succeeded Prabhakaran as the Leader of the LTTE is flying around in helicopters and engaging in political activities. He seems to be a State guest. The Government has to this day not clarified his status. He is a person who is wanted by the Interpol. Even recently Interpol gave another alert for his arrest. He is wanted in India in connection with Rajiv Gandhi’s killing. But he seems to be an honoured State guest in Sri Lanka.

If this country is to go forward, this more than 60-year-old issue must be resolved and it must be resolved amicably. The TNA, as clearly representatives of the Tamil people, is willing to solve it by negotiations without taking any extreme positions in a manner that is acceptable to everyone. The Government must respond to that. They must not behave in a way that gives a message to the Tamil people that they are treated as a ‘conquered race’.

The Tamil people know the extent of devolution of power that the Government was willing to grant when the LTTE was around. And now if they say ‘all that we were only willing to give the LTTE but not now,’ the message that they are giving the Tamil people is ‘you come with a gun and you will get more’. That is not a good message. They must at least now change that outlook; heed the democratic verdict that Tamil people have been constantly giving for three or four times in the last two years. If not, this country has no future.

Q: The number of seats in north that was nine before has come down to six after the voter registry upgrade. What are your views about this change? What actions will you take?

A: We are raising this matter in Parliament. The point is the legal provisions are there to make sure that equality in representation in Parliament is maintained with regard to proportion in population. This system is for normal times. But in the Jaffna electorate district, we have a situation where in 1995/96 almost the entire peninsula was depopulated. People went out. They have not returned even to date. There has been violence and fighting.

In addition to that, most importantly there are areas that are maintained as high security zones, preventing people from coming and settling. Even now in one of those high security zones there are 17 grama sevaka divisions where the military is forcibly occupying and not allowing people to resettle. In such a situation the ordinary legal provisions can’t be applied. It wasn’t applied until this year. It was frozen and the status quo was maintained. But suddenly they have allowed the provision to be applied without fully or partly allowing the resettlement of the people to happen.

This is very unfair because then it changes the reason for which these provisions have been provided in the law. You can’t forcibly keep someone out of their home and reduce their representation in Parliament as a result of their absence. There are still a large number of houses that are occupied by the military outside the high security zones. This was acknowledged even in Parliament. Inside the high security zones some parts have been released, but large areas are still occupied. In such a situation, using the present population and registering a number is very unjust.