Aragalaya and accountability

Sheikh Hasina, the prime minister of Bangladesh for 15 years, fled the country on 5 August, marking the pinnacle of a student-led protest campaign that ousted a well-entrenched regime. Since taking charge on 8 August, the interim government, led by Muhammad Yunus, a Nobel peace laureate and social entrepreneur, has overseen significant changes to the governance structure. 

Under the new administration a new chief justice and a new central bank governor have been appointed. The Government has promised it will try those responsible for state-sponsored killings during the protests and has called on the United Nations for assistance. Sheikh Hasina and many of her former colleagues now face serious legal challenges for actions committed during their tenure in office.

There are many in Sri Lanka, especially among the upper echelons of power that wish to demonstrate Bangladesh as a failed struggle or a cautionary tale for what could have happened in Sri Lanka if not for ‘saviours’ stepping in at the right time after the ousting of former president Gotabaya Rajapaksa. This is indeed unfortunate and rather comical. Unlike Sri Lanka, Bangladesh is well on its way to make significant changes to its governance. Irrespective of whether it will succeed or not, the interim administration and those who forced the change are determined to at least try and fix a broken country.

In contrast, Sri Lanka has betrayed the calls for a system change and accountability that fuelled the Aragalaya and ultimately led it to its victory in July 2022. Those responsible for the state of affairs that led to the popular uprising have not faced any accountability for their actions.

In May 2022, at the height of the protests the Bar Association facilitated an understanding among opposition political parties and leaders that envisioned to seize the momentum created by the Aragalaya to introduce systemic change to the governance structure of the country. 

At the wake of Mahinda Rajapaksa resigning as prime minister, opposition leaders agreed not to accept the invitation to form a government. It was expected that Gotabaya Rajapaksa would be forced to change the constitution and abolish the executive presidency. The mood in the country was for systemic change, ending corruption and even power sharing with minority communities.

This once in a generation opportunity was destroyed by a single individual, who later went on to reap the benefits of the popular uprising after the ouster of Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Today, none of the aspirations of the Aragalaya have been achieved. Corruption continues unabated. The same individuals who brought the country to its knees through mismanagement and corruption reign in power while others have been given political protection. Gotabaya Rajapaksa who had to flee the country like a thief at night is today well looked after by the Wickremesinghe administration after his return. The Rajapaksa family and their cronies are not facing any legal challenges for their roles in bankrupting the economy nor their involvement in numerous human rights violations including killing of journalists, activists, and even personal opponents.

While Bangladesh is a long way from returning to normal, it is very much on the right track. It has taken the initial legal steps to bring those responsible for the country’s collapse to justice and build on a foundation of truth and accountability. It is a good lesson for Sri Lanka to reflect on the lost opportunities due to the political expediency of a few.