Do not rush to recognise rogue regimes

The Taliban, an Islamist, military-political organisation designated by the United Nations Security Council and multiple governments as a terrorists’ organisation, seized power in Afghanistan last week. It marked the end of a two-decade-old war waged by the United States and its Western allies that invaded the country in 2001 with the explicit objective of deposing the Taliban Government that was providing sanctuary to Al-Qaeda. 

The Taliban was removed from power in Kabul by December 2001, less than two months into the invasion, and the US killed Al-Qaeda leader Osama Bin Laden in May 2011. Having achieved their original objectives, however, the US and its allies learnt what many have known for centuries that it is one thing to go into Afghanistan, but a whole other prospect to leave it. 

Like the British empire that invaded twice in the 19th century and the Soviets who did the same in 1979, Afghanistan was living up to its reputation as the ‘Graveyard of Empires’, dragging the US into a quagmire. After ending its combat mission in 2014, the US, in early 2020, made a deal with the Taliban, sans the Afghan Government, promising a complete withdrawal of troops by this year. Yet, the US hoped that the Afghan Government and its 300,000-strong military that it had trained and equipped for 20 years would keep the Taliban at bay. This was not to be, and within less than two weeks, the Taliban seized effective control of the country. The question now for Sri Lanka and other countries in the region and the world is whether to recognise the Taliban regime and the new state they have declared as the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. Diplomatic recognition is a key factor in international relations, which gives legitimacy to an administration and allows it to conduct relations with other countries. As many would recall the sheer lack of diplomatic recognition for the administration appointed by President Maithripala Sirisena, after his ‘constitutional coup’ in October 2018 was a significant factor, which made it untenable until the final blow came from the Supreme Court 50 days later.  The recognition of the new Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan and the Taliban as its legitimate government should not be taken lightly. Irrespective of the Taliban having effective control of the country, it remains a designated terrorist organisation by the UN and many other governments. It is one of the worst human rights violators in the world and has an especially horrendous record in the treatment of women. There is enough precedence where Sri Lanka has not recognised several administrations that have effective control of a territory. It strictly adheres to the ‘One China Policy’, having no recognition of the administration in the island of Taiwan, nor does it recognise the State of Kosovo, which is now recognised by over 100 countries.  However, on some occasions, Sri Lanka has dealt with administrations that it does not formally recognise due to practical necessity. One recalls how diplomats engaged with the ‘government’ of Somaliland in order to rescue several seafarers kidnapped by pirates even though there had never been official diplomatic recognition of this breakaway region of Somalia.

Sri Lanka has a duty to follow its democratic traditions as Asia’s oldest continuous democracy, irrespective of what other countries, even close allies, may do with regard to Afghanistan. More recently the Foreign Ministry received wide criticism for inviting the purported foreign minister of the military junta in Myanmar for a regional meeting, providing tacit recognition for that rogue regime that toppled a nascent democracy in February 2021. The Ministry was quick to clarify that the invitation was due to the necessity of protocol and kept the issue of diplomatic recognition of the military regime ambiguous.  The incident however was an indicator of public sentiment and the lack of appetite for rogue regimes in a world order that increasingly values the will of the people. Immediate recognition of the Taliban regime would further erode any credibility left with the current Sri Lankan Government in the international arena. It would draw attention to its own undemocratic trajectory and affect dealings with the international community. This is a mistake that the Sri Lankan Government cannot afford to make at this juncture, and it is not a position that should be imposed on the people of Sri Lanka.