Sunday Sep 08, 2024
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By Surya Vishwa
Prof. Daya Somasundaram
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This is our special commemorative edition where we celebrate victories within our consciousness that allow us to pay homage to monuments larger than our limited selves. We hence salute today any mental state that rises above restricted thinking. Our patterns of thought are shaped by the circumstances that we have faced. To those who acknowledge karmic cycles beyond life and death and time and space it makes sense when we include thought patterns that transcend memories stored within one lifetime.
The Harmony page was begun in 2019 to introduce an integrated understanding of human phenomena, combined with cosmic and related knowledge of the universe as seen from modern and ancient lenses. Knowledge can be equal to a sky of infinity that cannot be completed in soaring in one brief human life. It can also be described as an ocean of discovery that cannot ever reach the point of disembarking.
nKnowledge and understanding are two sides of the same coin. Our mission through the Harmony Page is to open the different gateways of knowledge leading to the pathways of understanding and thus allow it to merge so that we arrive at facets that make up wisdom. It is this quality which will help us to see different sides of an approach that will serve the best for a large number of people. Wisdom eliminates biasness, rigidness in interpretation or fixed views and is the solace of the wise.
It is with this goal that we broach the topic of demilitarisation and we request the reader to also approach it in the same spirit. Fear or doubt is the biggest human cause for failure. Fear or doubt in one’s ability or faith in another’s capacity to rise above their contexts is the reason why humanity has come to this perishable state. Fear and doubt are the reasons why we kill each other for basic human resources based on lack of connecting to each other with our common aspirations; to live this life out in happiness and respect.
As we read this interview, let us read through the garments that we wear, both the skin and name label that we are attired in. This covering and labelling separate us in identity.
If you are a former LTTE cadre, or supporter, or a military person, or supporter or if you have had very strong reason, based on any bitter experience in this lifespan to support whatever it is you ideologically do, we like to request you to try and loosen the ropes of emotion that bind you to that difficult phase of life you faced.
Try to keep that phase away from what you read in the below interview and watch your mind as you proceed.
The interview we present today is with Prof. Daya Somasundaram, former head of the Jaffna University Department of Psychiatry and world recognised counsellor. He spent his entire professional career within the war-peace scenarios of Sri Lanka from the 1970s to the present. This writer first met him in the late 1990s when he was part of the northern community getting regularly displaced. He has stayed above the tide of prejudice and is known to have understood the mental trauma of conflict from both the military and militant backdrops.
His two books Scarred Minds and Scarred Communities are known to be humanistic and neutral accounts of the fractured human condition that is manifest within contexts of terror and violence.
Those familiar with his work and dedication will be aware how he was caught in between the then no man’s land of objectivity at a time when it was virtually impossible to be so. He paid the price of being unpopular with several elements that recognised only one or two sides to the human saga of existence/equality/war/peace and the intriguing dynamics that go with it.
This interview was conducted after a series of conversations with Prof. Somasundaram on the topic of demilitarisation. One of the main points noted by him was that the Sri Lankan military possesses many discipline and organising linked skills through the training given in the armed forces, this being the same as with any nation and these skills could be put to good use in peacetime. We also discussed that the militants in Sri Lankan context also had very high discipline which also could be put to maximum positive use for peacetime normalcy. This was done in some instances after the 2009 rehabilitation process they underwent and they have proved to be very efficient workers in private companies or as those who serve with keeping the stability of their region as this writer recorded in several published interviews and writings.
This below interview analyses the aspect of demilitarisation of the State military cannot at any point be considered to be a random or hysterical call for a parachuting out of an armed forces from a particular location. The comments made here are part of a culmination of recommendations by a committee consisting of both Sinhala and Tamil civilians which included psychologists, sociologists, legal experts and others. This committee was part of a State initiative set up in 2016 in the form of the Consultation Task Force (CTF) to ascertain through rigorous, representative and objective methodology what people from different walks of life including military personnel want in order to move towards peace and reconciliation. The findings and recommendations were released a detailed report on diverse post 2009 social transitions needed including demilitarisation.
The CTF was established following the 2015 UN Human Rights Council Resolution on Sri Lanka and in the absence of Sri Lanka activating progressive domestically pioneered reconciliation based mechanisms such as the Lessons Learnt Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) set up in 2010.
A nation has to choose peace, wisdom, sanity and stability because it needs these and not because other nations tell it to. Outside countries are not the direct victims of instability or violence. In a time of conflict the segment of persons suffering the most are those in a battleground as they are often embroiled in situations they were not the core creators of. This is true of many global contexts but could differ in some.
Q: How would you define the importance of a demilitarisation process as part of a trust building mechanism after the end of a violent conflict?
A: I would say it’s sine qua non. Without demilitarisation there can be no genuine peace or trust building. The violent conflict and what happened before and after has generated mind sets, social structures and dynamics that need rewinding, a reset, healing and reconciliation. Militarisation is a state of mind. It is a way of thinking and seeing the world. This can be in a very rigid, authoritarian, confrontational, paranoid manner with overt security consciousness that pushes people into opposing categories, that stimulates forces that don’t bring real peace. The presence of a large number of military and equipment in civilian spaces creates an environment of repression, control and insecurity. This is the case in Sri Lanka in the north and east. Although the situation has eased considerably over the years and the military is not so visible in the North and East, with reduced check points, surveillance and round ups, it is still a reality. For example, a revealing study by Jayasuriya et al. in 2016, found the mental disturbances and illness increased in people who lived close to military camps. In our work in the communities in the north of Sri Lanka, people felt the intimidation, surveillance and military governance as insecurity. This was connected with lack of faith and trust in State institutions, tension and foreboding. The continuing presence of the military and their activities, including in civilian affairs, does not allow communities to return to peaceful life.
This is not to blame the military people themselves who can be good human beings but they have grown up in this environment, conditioned and often can’t but think in military terms. This way of interpreting reality can become institutionalised in perpetuating itself, creating situations and rationale for its survival, continuation, if not grow and expand. There are also the huge structures and systems that are part of the military, their families, organisations, politicians, vested interests, a huge vote base and even international arms traders, politicians, corporations, etc., who are dependent on it for their survival.
Q: The fear of rearmament by any rebel supporting elements with vested interests could be a constant issue facing a State military or governance related stakeholders and in many contexts this could be valid including in Sri Lanka which has many elements who thrive on stage managing or steering conflict often in dubious ways as our history shows. Hence can we trust the current ‘system’ to initiate a genuine and holistic demilitarisation process without hidden or ulterior motives?
A: Yes, these are the dynamics of militarisation that could be manipulated and generate situations favourable for the growth, power and dominance of certain structures of power. These result from polarised, opportunistic or regimental or militarised ways of thinking, not necessarily by the military personnel. For genuine peace we have to move away from such frameworks which emphasise the same fault lines, conjuring up enemies, security threats, plots and conspiracies. We have to move towards trust and openness of heart which is the harbinger of peaceful coexistence. We have to face genuine issues that people are grappling with and come up with solutions for credible development and growth.
Q: In the current context in Sri Lanka the opinion on demilitarisation is divided including by both Sri Lankan and expatriate Tamils some of whom feel that the current role of the Lankan military is a stabilising factor in society and could be strategised towards a healing process between Tamil society and former LTTE cadres. Your comments?
A: No, these views are but manifestations of the militarised way of thinking, rationalisations, and symptomatic of masculine world views. On the other hand, female ways of doing things are more nurturing, resolving conflict, bridging fault lines. War, aggression and violent conflict are male preoccupations, attitudes and ways of dealing with issues. If women had been in charge, leaders and decision makers, the war would not have happened. Of course there are exceptions and females can become part of a male system.
It’s equally imperative that the whole issue of social justice has to be faced. The country needs to recognise what happened, give voice to the victims, and acknowledge the atrocities that were perpetuated by all sides if the country and its many communities are to move on towards genuine reconciliation and lasting peace. Though it may be unrealistic and impossible for there to be true justice particularly if one takes into account command responsibility and current power structures, at least many countries like Cambodia, Rwanda, South Africa and Latin American communities that have been torn apart by internal civil violence, have devised mechanisms to deal with this thorny issues that we can learn from. Re-compensation and rehabilitation for victims are internationally recognised.
Q: There is equally the argument that having a strong military strength with related Government spending for keeping State forces in the same locations of a former conflict region does not promote peacetime normalcy. How can we navigate between the above point and this which could be seen as equally valid?
A: Sri Lanka is the most militarised country in South Asia with the highest military to civilian ratio. Military spending is a huge part of the annual expenditure. More than for education and health combined! The war was over 15 years ago. There are no current national security threats. Most militaries are used for cross border, international threats. A well trained and efficient police force can easily handle all internal security issues and threats. Imagine the savings from demilitarisation that would go towards economic recovery and development, particularly in the current economic crisis. This could very much include the wellbeing of the military personnel and their families. The military and ex combatants must be given an honourable alternative: recognition, respect, appropriate rehabilitation, jobs, opportunities to advance and progress using the many skills and knowledge they have gained.
Q: Could you detail out your role in putting out the 2016 report which had points on demilitarisation?
A: It was not a report just on demilitarisation but on various measures and recommendations for reconciliation and peace building. Demilitarisation was just a small part of the recommendations. I was a member of that Consultation Task Force that followed a robust methodology (to find out what different people wanted across the country from different walks of life including the military) to come up with the recommendations.
The Government of that time formed the Consultation Force on Reconciliation mechanisms (CTF) that was mandated by the UN but at the last moment the then president ducked receiving it due to politics. Like other reports of Special Commissions, Inquiries, Task Forces, the recommendations were never implemented but shelved. The Chairperson, Manouri Muttetuwegama and another member Shantha Abhimanyasingham have since passed away.
Note: In our 1 June edition we will publish an objective review pertaining to the overall recommendations cited in the CTF report of 2016 as well as the recommendations of the LLRC of 2010. Our next week’s Harmony edition under the theme May as a month commemorating peace, will be exclusively reported from Jaffna and cover the current potential for integrated development maximising on natural and human resources. We will also discuss the northern potential for innovative tourism while concurrently focusing on national unity.