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Tuesday, 30 April 2019 00:00 - - {{hitsCtrl.values.hits}}
By Ravi Ratnasabapathy
The senseless attacks on Easter Sunday caused bewilderment and horror. As the extent of the tragedy became clear it gave way to sadness, fear, revulsion, anger. These emotions are perfectly normal and, as columnist Anne Applebaum argues, equally right. But she warns that if these powerful emotions are politicised or used to fuel popular hysteria they cease to be neutral or natural and will ultimately make the situation worse.
Lashing out at the communities or groups from which the attackers were drawn will only ignite a cycle of violence. The US reacted to the bombing of the twin towers by launching a ‘war on terror’ invading Afghanistan and Iraq. A chain of events lead to bombs in Bali (2002), Casablanca, Istanbul (2003), Madrid (2004), London (2005); countless of attacks elsewhere and the eventual creation of ISIS-which may have sponsored the attacks last Sunday.
A harsh security response is tempting:
“Detention without charge for years for suspects and extensive privacy incursions for the ordinary citizen have been considered necessary by states involved in a war on an intangible enemy – terror”1
But dangerous:
“As the enemy is intangible so too are the contours of the front-line. Accordingly states engaged in wars against terrorist groups risk becoming engaged in a permanent state of emergency on their own soil. And so it is that the threat of terrorism in turn can pose a threat to the fundamental rights and freedoms which characterise democracy, the civil liberties and human rights upon which democratic societies are based. The greatest success the terrorist can achieve is to persuade the democratic state to abandon its democratic values.”2
These are not vacuous platitudes; it was the undeniable experience of Sri Lanka. The Prevention of Terrorism Act was passed in 1979 and a permanent ‘State of Emergency’ existed between 1983 and 2011. Far from preventing terrorism, it only grew in strength.
Did these laws create an enabling environment for police brutality and torture? Was this not the impetus for the LTTE to adopt the cyanide capsule? To die, rather than risk capture? In carrying the cyanide capsule, every Tiger was potentially on a suicide mission. Did this in turn pave the way for the cult of the suicide bomber? The LTTE was formed in 1976 but the first suicide mission took place much later, in 1987.
The LTTE killed 13 soldiers in July 1983. By the scale of later events, a minor attack, but at the time it was their biggest. The anti-Tamil violence that followed started a spiral that ended in a full blown civil war killing hundreds of thousands. Could this entire cycle been prevented? What if the Bandaranaike-Chelvanyakam pact had been implemented in 1957? Or if July 1983, engineered by the UNP, had not happened?
Did the local Islamic group that is suspected in the bombing originate as a response to the chain of anti-Muslim violence that started in 2013?
Nothing justifies violence but actions can cause reactions, some quite unforeseen. This is ‘karma’.
These are painful questions but unless we address causes rather than symptoms, the violence will never end. To root out the sources of hatred and to prevent the rise of demagogues who pander to it we must invest in civic education.
Habits of democracy
Democracy is sustained by an active citizenry; but to engage meaningfully requires knowledge, skills and the disposition to participate in civic life. But the habits of the mind, as well as ‘habits of the heart’ the dispositions that inform the democratic ethos are not inherited but must be learned.
Traditional civic education covers the themes of procedural democracy: principles, procedures, laws, good governance and the role, responsibility and rights of citizens. This alone is not enough.
Education must also cover liberal values because in practice procedural democracy, while the best available system, has a drawback: it is not a good way to resolve moral or ethical questions. Democracy is built on majority views, but this may mean that alternative views on issues that are in the minority, controversial, novel, or particularly complex may be ignored- “the tyranny of the masses”.
“Democracy guarantees a system of government in accordance with the wishes and plans of the majority. But it cannot prevent majorities from falling victim to erroneous ideas and from adopting inappropriate policies which not only fail to realise the ends aimed at but result in disaster.”3
Therefore we must define democracy not merely in terms of procedures but as a mode of living founded on values: inclusiveness, pluralism, fairness, co-operation, dialogue and non-violent resolution of conflict. It is important to transmit to younger generations a host of democratic values such as tolerance and respect for diversity, concern with the rights and welfare of others, freedom and justice.
These values are in perfect concord with the Buddhist values of Karuna, Maitri and Ahimsa. Parents may impart these values to children but all too often their practice is restricted to family and friends. It must be extended to strangers, especially those that look, sound or live differently.
The war has ended but the relationship between communities is still tainted by suspicion, fear, and a lack of trust. The recent attacks have created new fissures, fuelling suspicion and mistrust of the Muslims.
Most people are comfortable interacting with people, behaviours, and ideas that they are familiar with but react with fear and apprehension when faced with the unfamiliar. Misunderstanding causes us to respond aggressively to perceived threats to the status quo or stability, even where none exist.
When we stop seeing people as individuals but as a group or a class, it is easy to fall prey to myths and falsehoods. These are the foundation of the recent hostility to Muslims. Sri Lanka has been independent for 70 years but engulfed in conflict for over 30 years. If the post-conflict era is to lead to lasting social peace, we must transform the unfamiliar into the familiar.
How should civic education take place?
Is there something to be drawn from the German experience?
After 1945 anti-Semitism In West Germany did not die out. Studies carried out between 1946 and 1952 showed a third of the population to be strongly anti-Semitic, while another third was anti-Semitic.
“This social climate began to change noticeably only after the newly restored synagogue in Cologne was defaced with swastikas and the slogan “Juden raus” (Jews get out) on Christmas Eve 1959. This event unleashed a countrywide wave of anti-Semitic actions.
Over 700 incidents were recorded.”4
This provoked public revulsion: “Although most German citizens were to a certain extent still accustomed to such slogans and to the sight of a desecrated synagogue, the act captured public attention and resonated strongly. Ministers condemned it on the radio, and the still fledgling television stations broadcast special reports (sic) about the incident.”5
Democratic political parties, trade unions, media representatives and the churches joined in a public repudiation of anti-Semitism.
The philosopher Theodor W. Adorno argued powerfully against the desire in the German society of the 1950s to “close the books on the past and, if possible, even remove it from memory.” The potential for a relapse into catastrophe was all too real, according to Adorno.
Ordinary, decent Sri Lankans prefer to avoid discussing things that are controversial but will this not lead us into the very trap that Adorno warned the German people against? He underlined the need to confront the persistence of fascist structures within post-war democracy. If we fail to deal with problems they will they not resurface?
Civic education in Germany is based on a single ideal: never again Auschwitz. It teaches the importance of a rules-based system:
“...It aims especially to make students aware that no matter how negative an experience with democracy may be, it never justifies totalitarian ideas or behaviour, nor does it excuse violence as a way of dealing with different views.”6
It enshrines the following principles7:
Prohibition of manipulation (no indoctrination)
Need of controversy and diversity (discussion of controversial political positions)
Adapted to the skills and competence level of participants and focus on empowerment and initialising political or civic activity; not just teaching facts
In 2015 the so-called “Frankfurter Declaration” added some principles to the guidelines of the Beutelsbacher Konsens. These additional precepts are addressing the evolving environment of political education the age of information society:
Political Education has to be about current political questions and phenomena
Controversy should get space but there should also be a focus on common solutions for political conflicts
Context specific and differentiated understanding of political statements
Political judgment is mainly based on facts but also on emotions and individual circumstances of life
Learning means acting, so people need to get involved with political practice to understand democracy
Germany went through a process of soul-seeking, confronted its past and invested in civic education to prevent recurrence. Sri Lanka removed civic education from schools in the 1970’s but fortunately it was reintroduced in 2007 for grades 10-118 and extended to grades 6-10 from 2015.
The teaching guide for civics is encouraging but seems limited to only classroom instruction. There also remains the question of how well it will be taught. A rote-memorisation approach will not foster the critical thinking, media literacy and values necessary.
Other aspects of the syllabus, particularly history are troubling. For example, on the contents of history textbooks, Wettimuny references Sasanka Perera9:
“The legend of battles between ancient kingdoms documented in the Mahāvamsa promotes Sinhalese-Tamil antagonism, and suggests ‘a long and bloody tradition’ between the two races. Thus the reproduction of this version of the past in the Sinhala Grade 6 history syllabus is highly problematic.
It claims that the Sinhalese King Dutugemunu defeated the Tamil, ‘foreign’ ruler Elara in a war to protect Buddhism, to ‘reunite the country’ and ‘liberate the country from foreign rule’ By contrast, the Tamil Grade 6 history syllabus cites Elara as a leader that ruled ‘with justice’.”
Children sitting in linguistically segregated classes who learn diametrically incompatible versions of history which emphasise historical injustice and continuing victimisation from irreconcilable textbooks will not be well prepared to receive lessons in tolerance in a civics class. To have a lasting impact it must change attitudes so it must include practical aspects, involving cultural, extra-curricular activities and exercises. The aim is that differences in viewpoint and culture are to be cherished and appreciated rather than judged and feared.
Politicians and civil society need to take a joint stand repudiating violence and intolerance. As a people we need to reflect on the causes of the alienation and frustration that lead to violence.
As the Dalai Lama says10: “We need to talk instead of fighting, engaging in meaningful dialogue based on mutual respect. Anger is rooted in having a sense of ‘us’ and ‘them’. We need instead to respect others as members of humanity like us.”
Before we respond in anger let us remember karuna and maitri. Above all, let us not forget karma.
(The writer can be reached via email at [email protected])
Footnotes:
1 The Delicate Balance between Civil Liberties and National Security, James Hamilton - Director of Public Prosecutions Ireland, South African Judges Commission Mozambique August 2006
2 Ibid
3 Mises, Ludwig Von (1998a) Human Action. Auburn, AL: Mises Institute, p.193
4 Germany After 1945: A Society Confronts Anti-Semitism, Racism, And Neo-Nazism, Amadeu Antonio Foundation (Exhibition Catalog)
5 The National Library of Israel. The Student Demonstration against the Nazis and against Anti-Semitism, Munich, 1960. [ONLINE] Available at: http://web.nli.org.il/sites/NLI/English/collections/personalsites/Israel-Germany/Division-of-Germany/Pages/students-demonstration.aspx. [Accessed 19 April 2019]. Ibid
6 Ibid
7 Overview: Political Education in Germany, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung
8 Civic Education: Teachers Guide, p vi, Department of Social Sciences Faculty of Languages, Humanities and Social Sciences National Institute of Education Sri Lanka
9 Groundviews.org. 2016. The Danger in Distorted Education: Sri Lanka’s History Curriculum. [ONLINE] Available at: https://groundviews.org/2016/10/29/the-danger-in-distorted-education-sri-lankas-history-curriculum/. [Accessed 19 April 2019].
10 His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama. 2018. Inaugurating a Conference on the Concept of ‘Maitri’ or ‘Metta’ in Buddhism. [ONLINE] Available at: https://www.dalailama.com/news/2018/inaugurating-a-conference-on-the-concept-of-maitri-or-metta-in-buddhism/amp. [Accessed 20 April 2019].
