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B. Para 2 calls upon the Government of Sri Lanka to conduct an independent and credible investigation into allegations of violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law, as applicable; to hold accountable those responsible for such violations; to end continuing incidents of human rights violations and abuses in Sri Lanka; and to implement the recommendations made in the reports of the Office of the High Commissioner;
C. Para 10 takes note of the recommendations and conclusions of the High Commissioner regarding ongoing human rights violations and the need for an international inquiry mechanism in the absence of a credible national process with tangible results, and requests the Office of the High Commissioner:
Many argue the text is irreversible since it has been adopted. It is nevertheless worth noting the references to national mechanisms consistently failing made in para A. The next paragraph calls for the conduct of credible domestic investigations. The final quote speaks of an absence of a credible national process. A plain reading of the English text shows Op 10 subsuming Op 2 on the basis of the High Commissioner’s conclusions. It leaves Sri Lanka with no national options!
It would be tantamount to saying our entire judicial system has failed. That being a preposterous assumption, notwithstanding the fallibilities of individuals, we do have a system of justice in this country. In conversations we had with PRs of three BRICS states, broad conclusions drawn were ‘mandate creep’ in the Council, railroading of processes led by the powerful states, need for Sri Lanka to determine whether it wishes to engage and if so to do fully and to decide with whom and how now and not add to ‘other human rights violations’.
Statement by Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein
The Opening Statement by Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, at the Human Rights Council 27th Session had this to say: ‘Moreover, I attach great importance to the investigation on Sri Lanka mandated by this Council, on which OHCHR will report later in the session. I encourage the Sri Lankan authorities to cooperate with this process in the interests of justice and reconciliation. I am alarmed at threats currently being levelled against the human rights community in Sri Lanka, as well as prospective victims and witnesses. I also deplore recent incitement and violence against the country’s Muslim and Christian minorities.’
Given the High Commissioner’s reference to incidents of religious intolerance, this writer can bear testimony to an effort to elicit specific details from the Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or belief on the reference to ‘More than 350 violent attacks against Muslims and over 150 attacks against Christians have been reported in Sri Lanka in the last two years’.
The intent of the request was ‘to seek further information from his Mandate related to the specific incidents to enable follow up and support where needed to either individuals or groups so affected in Sri Lanka’. The response received was: ‘It has not been a part of our established practice and procedure that the mandate holders become the source of information FOR the NGOs on the ground.’
Many, if not all, UN special procedures mandate holders are from, if not are employed in, NGOs! Hence it’s rich when NGOs are referred to in such a haughty manner. When an issue of the right to pray is infringed, relief has to be in real time. In this instance our Minister of National Integration was very keen and convinced of the need to chase up on every reference made. The Office of the Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief was clearly not so moved.
Op2 interventions
I have selected some of the points made by our Ambassador/Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka in Geneva on Monday which encapsulates some of our Op2 interventions read in conjunction with the LLRC NPOA.
These include:
Mandate of the OISL
The mandate of the OISL (the UN mechanism) requires it to undertake investigations into alleged serious violations and abuses of human rights and related crimes by both parties to the conflict. It is supported and advised by three experts, as well as independent verification throughout the investigation. It will also obtain the assistance of specific special procedures mandate holders including on extrajudicial executions, disappearances, internally displaced persons, arbitrary detentions, violence against women and torture in carrying out its work. The exact nature of relations between the mandate holders and the OISL we were told remains under discussion.
The OISL has a stated aim of being ‘guided at all times by the principles of independence, impartiality, objectivity, transparency, integrity and “do no harm”’.
The OISL will base its findings on a “reasonable grounds to believe” standard of proof. i.e. “There are reasonable grounds to believe that an incident or pattern of violations or crimes occurred if the OISL has obtained a reliable body of information, consistent with other information, indicating their occurrence. This standard of proof may be sufficiently high to call for judicial investigations into violations of international humanitarian and human rights law and international crimes. The OISL will not make final judgments as to criminal guilt; rather, it would make an assessment of possible suspects that may pave the way for future criminal investigations.”
Testimonies before the OISL are confidential. What is unclear (apart from the head of the UN team) who the rest of the members of staff are in terms of background, given testimonies would remain confidential, the standards of proof used referred would remain unknown to other than those involved. ‘Do no harm’ is where many facets come into play.
As the South African statement in March sought, that ‘Sri Lankans find each other’ in a national process of reconciliation, is it not the case as was when the testimonies were collected for the Darusman Advisory Note from persons of Sri Lankan origin who would and are now testifying before an investigation which may be succeeded by ‘criminal investigations’ externally, it would take us further away from each other?
Conversations in the Human Rights Council have never heard that:
Let us find each other
Be it Narrative iii or the points above, there many within the elite of Sri Lanka (the most recent being an ex-colleague holding high office in the UN Compound in Colombo) who feel that Narrative iii is a betrayal of those who espouse the dominant first Narrative.
As we saw in Geneva when were greeted by a three-person ambush team in debates at the side event, there is an unwillingness to genuinely seek national healing and reconciliation. There are those intelligent, educated and articulate who espouse pluralism but wish to see all falling in line with one dominant narrative. Op 10 of the March Resolution provides refuge for such views.
Uncovering the truth in term of political responsibility would imply all parties acknowledging their share of the responsibility for what happened, learning from the lessons of the past and moving forward to a durable process of peace and reconciliation. Op10 will have to ultimately move over and let us find each other.