‘Politics of language’ in Sri Lanka and its far-reaching consequences

Saturday, 24 October 2015 00:00 -     - {{hitsCtrl.values.hits}}

  • Ethnic strife, neglect of English teaching and learning, limiting opportunities for educated youth in the private sector, and lessons from Singapore’s Language Policy

sri_lanka_school_childrenRestoring English teaching and learning is a burning issue which the country must address urgently and in all seriousness

By Linton Tudor Jayaweera 

Some historical benchmarks in SL politics

Tamil national awareness prevailed from the days of the British rule in Ceylon (as Sri Lanka was called then). The Legislative Council of 1921 of the British days was based on the principle of ethnic representation. This was of concern to the Tamil community, and hence the emergence in 1944 of the All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC), led by G.G. Ponnambalam, with several Tamil stalwarts joining forces including Samuel James Velupillai Chelvanayagam (SJVC).

Muslim concerns also prevailed, though to a lesser extent, in the form of T.B. Jayah’s Muslim League. On the Sinhala-Buddhist front, there was the Sinhala Maha Sabha, of Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike (SWRDB). The majority moderates were in the Ceylon National Congress, led by Don Stephen Senanayake (DSS).

 

Post-Independence scenario

Prominent nationalists like D.S. Senanayake of the Ceylon National Congress, and S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike of Sinhala Maha Sabha, as custodians of traditional forces, joined hands with T.B. Jayah’s Muslim League, to form the United National Party (UN.) in 1947, and the said party became victorious at the country’s first Parliamentary general elections in 1947.

With the emerging urge for Independence, several delegations negotiated with the Colonial Secretary in London, and the outcome was the Ceylon Independence Act of 1947, consequent to which Ceylon was granted Independence from British Rule on 4 February 1948, and D.S. Senanayake, Leader of the UNP, was sworn in as the first Prime Minister of Independent Ceylon, with S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike as the second-in-command and Leader of the House.

For the Post Independence first Cabinet, the UNP invited the All Ceylon Tamil Congress to join hands, and the likes of G.G. Ponnambalam, C. Sitthampalam and C. Sundaralingam became part of the UNP Cabinet, holding important portfolios. Firebrand Labour Leader A.E. Goonasinghe was also part of the Cabinet, though as a Minister without portfolio. S.J.V. Chelvanayagam showed his dissent over his fellow ACTC Members joining the UNP Cabinet, and he broke ranks and formed his own Federal Party.

Thus the first Cabinet of Independent Ceylon comprised of D.S. Senanayake, S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, Sir Oliver Goonatillake, Sir John Kotalawala, Dudley Senanayake, J.R. Jayewardene, Sir Lalitha Rajapaksa, G.G. Ponnambalam, C. Sundaralingam, C. Siththampalam, T.B. Jayah, A. Ratnayaka, A.E. Nugawela, George E. De Silva, Edwin Wijeratna, A.E. Goonasinghe and Senarath Gunawardena – the last two being Ministers without portfolios.

This multi ethnic and multi religious first Cabinet of Independent Ceylon brought in a salubrious effect. Coincidentally, the current Cabinet of the National Unity Government has the same effect.

 

Birth of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP)

Ideological and personality differences persisted within the UNP hierarchy, particularly between D.S.S. and S.W.R.D.B., which gradually deepened, and it escalated with Dudley Senanayake being seen to be groomed as successor to D.S.S. This developed into a wider crack, causing S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, Leader of the House, to cross the floor to the Opposition, together with a group of his loyalists of the calibre of D.R. Rajapaksa and a few others. Consequent to this occurrence, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party was born, predominantly with a Sinhala-Buddhist vision, which also embraced the ‘Guru’, Weda’, ‘Govi’ and ‘Kamkaru’ communities. It also had a Working Middle class emphasis.

Subsequent to the death of D.S. Senanayake, the SLFP contested the Parliamentary elections of 1952, but failed to capture power, getting only nine seats, against the Dudley Senanayake led UNP.

The SLFP had its major victory only in 1956, mainly on its much-emphasised slogan of ‘Sinhala Only’. At this same election S.J.V. Chelvanayagam led the Federal Party, won six out of nine seats in the north and four out of seven in the east, and became a force to reckon with.

Though the SLFP’s victory and S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike becoming the Prime Minister brought about a social revolution in the country, it also caused a deep polarisation between the Sinhala and Tamil communities, which gradually aggravated with the Federal Party’s agitations for 50-50 claims on linguistic basis. Continued agitations marked by protests and demonstrations of every manner finally led S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike in July 1957 (just one year after being elected to power) to sign the agreement which was called the ‘Bandaranaike-Chelvanayagam Pact’ with compromises for Tamils. This agreement was later unilaterally abrogated by S.W.R.D.B.

This led to further ethnic conflict with the Tamils of the north and east. In 1970 there emerged the rebel terrorist group, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), led by Velupillai Prabakaran. The Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) was formed in 1976, by the amalgamation of all Tamil parties in the north and east.

The war with the LTTE or ‘Tiger Terrorists,’ as they were called, and the subsequent defeat of the Tigers by S.L Armed Forces in 2009, and consequent peace in the country is recent history, which we all know. But little ‘burning splinters beneath the ash’ have not been not fully overruled. The present Government is hell bent on settling all issues, while concurrently working on reconciliation, ethnic harmony, and reconstruction measures, with the objective of achieving unity and everlasting peace, as one country and one nation, guided by rule of law, justice and fairness, winning international acclaim.

 

Downgrading of the status of English in our education system

As a ‘fall out’ from the ‘Sinhala Only’ regime, the subsequent Tamil-Sinhala conflict resolution and eventual war efforts of subsequent Governments, left little space for Governments to even think of positive measures to resuscitate English teaching and learning in schools and universities.

S.W.R.D.B. had an English Education at Oxford University. So did Lakshman Kadirgamar and Lalith Athulathmudali. Even Dudley Senanayake had a ‘Mathematics Tripos’ from Cambridge. Wealthy parents continue to send their children to overseas universities and schools, to secure for them a ‘broad vision English education’ and degrees. Some secure English-based education through international schools in Sri Lanka. English proficient wealthy parents talk to their children in English, and thus groom them to read and write English.

But what is the plight of poor village parents, who may aspire to send their children for meagre skilled jobs, in the Middle East or elsewhere, for which also they need a basic knowledge of English? Are our village youth able to read an English newspaper or read an English novel to widen their horizons? Can they fit into the job requirements of the ‘business oriented’ private sector, even if they had a university degree? Children, particularly rural, who have a thirst for English, attend ‘mass tuition classes’ by tutors who advertise themselves liberally as commercial businessmen. 

Restoring English teaching and learning, therefore is a burning issue, which the country must address urgently and in all seriousness, in the education sector. This is a message for the new, youthful, visionary Minister of Education.

 

English education imparted by missionaries during the British period

Whether the objective of English teaching missionary services was to impart English knowledge to Sinhala, Tamil and other ethnic children so as to groom them as English proficient subordinate staff to work in British offices or for other religious objectives is not quite clear. But these missionaries however did yeoman service to develop English education in (Ceylon) Sri Lanka, by opening up English teaching schools in various parts of the country.

A large number of English medium schools and colleges were opened up in the main cities throughout Sri Lanka during the British period by various religious missionaries and religious societies. The major such organisations were: (i) Christian Missionary Society (CMS), (ii) Wesleyan Methodist Mission (WMM), (iii) American Ceylon Mission (ACM), (iv) Roman Catholic Church (RCC), Buddhist Theosophical Society (BTS), Colombo Muslim Educational Society, etc.

Most of these leading colleges, started during the British period, are now thriving as giant educational institutions in Sri Lanka. Some of the leading names are as follows:

Richmond College Galle 1814 (WMM), Cotta Institute (Sri Jayawardenepura Boys Maha Vidyalaya) 1822 (CMS), St. John’s College Jaffna 1823 (CMS), Royal Academy – later Royal College Colombo 1835 (initially CMS), Hartley College Point Pedro 1838 (WMM), St. Thomas’ College Matara 1844 (CMS), St. Patrick’s College Jaffna 1850 (RCC), St. Thomas’ College Mt. Lavinia 1851 (C.M.S), St. Anthony’s Kandy 1854 (RCC), St. Sebastian’s College Moratuwa 1854 (RCC), St. Benedict’s College Colombo 1865 (Benedictine Monks), Methodist College Colombo 1866 (WMM), All Saints College Galle 1867 (Anglican), St. Ann’s College Kurunegala 1867, St. Joseph’s College Trincomalee 1867, Trinity College Kandy 1872 (CMS), St. Michael’s College Batticaloa 1873 (RCC), St. Thomas’ Matale 1873, Wesley College Colombo 1874 (WMM), Bishop’s College 1875 (CMS), Prince of Wales College Moratuwa 1876, St. John’s College Panadura 1876, Girls High School Kandy 1879 (WMM), Southland College Galle 1885 (WMM), Ananda College Colombo 1886 (BTS), Dharmaraja College Kandy 1887 (BTS), Jaffna Hindu College 1887, Maliyadeva College Kurunegala 1888 (BTS), Kingswood College Kandy 1891 (WMM), Musaeus College Colombo 1891 (BTS), Mahinda College Galle 1892 (BTS), Zahira College Colombo 1892 (Colombo Muslim Educational Society), St. Joseph’s College Colombo 1886 (RCC), Chundukkuli Girls School 1896 (CMS) and St. Sarvatious College Matara 1897 (Source: Internet).

(A few words about the ‘Cotta Institute’ or ‘Bangalawa Iskole’ of 1822 merits special mention. This very old educational establishment had undergone a transformation of names from time to time as ‘Cotta Institute’ 1822-1855, C.M.S. Boys’ School 1856-1934, Christian College Kotte 1935-1964 and Sri Jayawardenepura Boys Maha Vidyalaya from 1964. This famous school has suffered a drastic downtrend from its previous glory, being now reduced to just another Maha Vidyalaya. The writer is a product of the once glorious Christian College Kotte, from 1947 to 1954.)

 

Dr. C.W.W. Kannangara era

Christopher William Wijekoon Kannangara (CWWK), known as the ‘Father of Free Education,’ was a founder Member of the Ceylon National Congress, and was Minister of Education in the State Council at the time, from 1931 to 1947.

During his term of office, the most major contribution was the ‘Free Education Scheme’, which saw the light of day through the ‘Education Bill’ of 1944. A free mid-day meal, particularly for rural school children, development of Pirivena education, Central College (Madya Maha Vidyala) system are his other landmark contributions. Madya Maha Vidyalayas, Maha Vidyalayas and smaller schools sprang up everywhere in the country, bringing education to the doorstep of every rural child.

Higher education at the time was still in English, and it was the exclusive preserve of the rich. 

 

Lessons from the Singapore Language Policy

Like in Sri Lanka, Singapore as you know has a multi-ethnic and multi-religious population, which according to 2000 census, had 76.5 % Chinese, 15.0 % Malays, 6.5 % Indians and 2.0 % others. 

Given the ethnic diversity of the city state’s population, Lee Kuan Yew, the founding father of Independent Singapore, and who was Prime Minister for 31 years, had in his vision, both peace and harmony between diverse ethnic communities, with the major objective of sustenance and growth as a leading international business giant in South East Asia.

In his multinational language strategy, he never declared any one of the ethnic languages as the Official Language, but heavily emphasised on the English language as the ‘business language’ of Singapore. English was also recognised as the language of government administration.

While schools established on ethnic basis were left to work in the language of their choice, the English language had to be taught compulsorily in schools, this being necessary for Singaporean youth to face the needs of an ever-growing international business culture. 

In Lee Kuan Yew’s words: “Use English in order to improve educational achievements of children.” He also had said: “English for Trade.” This is because he firmly believed that learning English was the path to academic success and economic growth, while at the same time it would gear Singaporean youth to thrive in business.

 

Some ‘must do’ considerations for new Government, on English front’

1. The writer does not suggest in this regard any legal or Constitutional measures. The 1978 Constitution of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka I believe has spelt Sinhala as the ‘Official Language’ and Tamil as a ‘National Language’. We accept that position without question. All that the writer suggests or urges is a vital change in the teaching curriculum in schools and universities, where English is also given prominence.

2. There is a need to teach English as a compulsory subject, starting from Primary Level, and going up to Advanced Level – backed by library facilities to read English books. Schools can obtain these books by donations from well-wishers. (The writer’s two granddaughters donated more than 350 English story books, year 1 to year 5 levels, to a primary school library of a nearby girls’ school in Pita Kotte). Regional and zonal directors of education of the respective areas can act as book collecting catalysts – even to make a small beginning. Lions Clubs and Rotary Clubs of the area (whose prime objective is to help the less fortunate in our society) will gladly come forward to equip school libraries, thus saving/reducing Government expenditure on this score.

3. To meet the need for English teachers, the unemployed graduates and trained teachers can be put through an intensive short-term English course, imparting both English knowledge, grammar and teaching skills. These can be organised on educational regional basis.

4. Late Lalith Athulathmudali, the ‘Father of the Mahapola Scholarship Scheme,’ while handling an added portfolio of Higher Education (in addition to his traditional Trade and Shipping) ensured that all new entrants to universities underwent an intensive refresher course in English, at least to enable them to access English texts. Students accepted these facilities willingly, at least those who had been starved for English knowledge.

5. Lee Kuan Yew said: “Children will learn English better, the earlier they start learning English.”

6. There used be an ‘Optional Subject’ called ‘Business English’ at A/L exams, which children could sit for in addition to the chosen three subjects. This must be reintroduced, if disbanded now. A good pass in ‘Business English’ will open doors to private sector employment in addition to other benefits.

7. Needless to emphasise that the present Government, with its objectives of economic development and global trade, etc., must sooner or later gear our youth to face the ‘business world,’ as Lee Kuan Yew did for Singapore’s children and youth. The answer is propagating of English education, starting from rural schools. What pride it would be the day a rural school child is able to understand English news on TV, read an English newspaper, write a letter in English, explain contents of an English telegram to his or her parents, or exchange a few ideas in English.

8. From a literacy point of view, our educational authorities must target zero level illiteracy in Sri Lanka. To achieve this, every child of schooling age must be made to attend a school, whatever their economic circumstances are or how poor they are or unprivileged they are. Grama Niladharies island-wide must be tasked to make a survey of poor children who are not attending school in their respective Grama Niladhari Vasamas, and to assess reasons for not attending schools. Information on such children and their circumstances needs to be reported to the respective zonal directors of education, who should find remedial measures for their needs with the assistance of the Grama Niladhris, such as books, uniforms, a morning meal before leaving for school, etc., and thus ensure they attend the nearest school to which admission is found by zonal educational authorities. There could be enough benevolent entrepreneurs in the area who will help these children, and more or less adopt them financially, while they live in their home and family environment. Here again the Lions Clubs and Rotary Clubs in the locality will willingly help such children in a big way.

As an actual case in point, the Lions Club to which the writer belongs helped to change the lifestyle not only of the unprivileged children but also their households in a small border village of about 35 households living in abject poverty in the remote interior of Aralaganwila, close to Maaduru Oya jungles, where families were subjected to constant Tiger terrorist attacks and looting. The Lions Club not only helped this village and its children, with scholarship money (deposited to individual bank accounts of children) but also developed the only school in the area, Kandegama School, by providing necessary facilities such as a library and other study facilities such as books, uniform material, shoes, etc., a community TV for the school, and electricity supply. This project was discontinued having secured for each of the families through the Mahaweli Authority a reasonable extent of ‘goda idam’ and ‘mada idam’ for cultivation as a means of livelihood, in addition to reasonable upgrading of their houses and sanitary facilities and supply of electricity. This shows the vast scope that can be explored using the help of voluntary service organisations.

Children who do not receive a proper schooling at the right age later become a burden to society, by turning out to be drug peddlers, thieves, criminals, rapists, etc., as has been revealed in the recent news of a gruesome rape and murder. Non-school-going children, who grow up as ‘loaners’ devoid of interacting opportunities with other children of their age, can become a serious social issue.

 

Depoliticising of educational institutions – schools and universities

1. Regime of politicising of educational institutions, where appointment of school principals to fancied schools happened on political favouritism, is over. First persons to get the smell of such appointments are the children, and through them the parents. Such principals start with a stigma. That should not be allowed to repeat. Appointments must happen on merit, and on proven track record. 

The same applies to appointments of vice chancellors of universities. The moment a VC of a certain political colouring is appointed, university academics of the same colour flock behind him, seeking favours. This breeds discontent in the whole university system, and the academics lose faith in the VC. We should emulate the days of vice chancellors of the calibre of Sri Nicholas Attygale of Peradeniya University fame of yesteryear, who stood firm and impartial as a strong leader.

2. There is salubrious news in the air about a possibility of granting autonomy to universities to run their own affairs. This kind of autonomy will liken them to the university systems in developed countries. In this scenario the respective university senates and councils will elect their vice chancellor nominee from within the university system, and recommend to the president for ratification via the Ministry of Higher Education.

3. Perhaps in this autonomous situation, the required financial grants may be provided by the Ministry of Higher Education via the University Grants Commission. This commission must be the ‘Universities Overseeing and Assistance Arm’ of the Ministry of Higher Education. This authority must comprise committed, competent professionals and educationists and not political favourites, as had happened in the past. Whether this authority be called a ‘commission’ or a division of the Ministry of Higher Education is a question.

4. This system of university autonomy will also pave the way for English development and usage in universities, enabling students to access texts written in English, and thereby ‘improve educational achievement’ as said in Lee Kuan Yew’s words. 

This presentation by and large, is for the overall betterment of education in Sri Lanka.

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